西元 2000 年以後，開發中地區的人權保障體系出現值得注意的新發展。在中東，建立區域性人權保障標準的努力，最初體現在 1990 年的《開羅伊斯蘭人權宣言》，而後則有阿拉伯國家聯盟先後兩次通過的《阿拉伯人權憲章》。從 2009 年開始，阿拉伯人權體系正式展開運作。本文的主要目的，在於追溯分析阿拉伯世界人權運動的發展歷程，並以《阿拉伯人權憲章》的文本為討論焦點，分析阿拉伯地區的人權觀點與國際人權理念的互動，並針對新建立的阿拉伯人權體系前景進行初步評估。 ..

The establishment of the Arab Human Rights Committee in 2009 signaled a new era of human rights protection in the Arab world. Given the tension between Islamic values and universal human rights and the relentless conflict between Israel and the Palestinian people, the Arab human rights mechanism would have been regarded as “mission impossible.” This article offers a pioneering investigation by reviewing the original and revised Arab Charters on Human rights. The analysis suggests that regional perspectives on huma..

當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國，但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代，外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過，不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想，往往強調反躬自省，因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時，幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標，以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..

Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..

當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率，有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展，有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話，而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究，帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace)，主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且，如果再將威權政體進一步分類，則僅有單..

When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..

俄羅斯現代史上轉型時期極為重要的理論和實踐問題，就是俄羅斯聯邦制的建立與發展。而俄羅斯社會的經濟、社會和國家政治領域改革的結果，很大程度上取決於聯邦制的順利發展。實際上，整個俄羅斯的命運也取決於俄羅斯聯邦制如何發展。本論文試著釐清兩個問題:第一、在葉爾欽時期，聯邦主體的主權過度擴張，為何在普金時期卻又能將這些權力收回?第二、其決定性因素為何?而此決定性因素又如何地影響聯邦中央和聯邦主體之間的權力拉鋸爭奪? 故本文有兩個重要議題，首先是試..

Russia is a federation which, as of March 1, 2008, consists of 83 federal subjects(members of the Federation). One of the extremely important theoretical and practical issues during the process of political transition in Russia’s modern history is the establishment and development of Russian federalism. The results of economic, social and political reform in the Russian society largely depend on the smooth development of federalism. In fact, the whole fate of Russia also depends on the development of Russian federalism...

近年來，深綠選民經常認為是陳水扁總統在個人危機，或是民進黨在選戰中的主要訴求對象，因而凸顯了深綠選民的重要性。本文主要的目的在於探討深綠選民應該如何測量及定義，以及他們是否真的是泛綠陣營選票的主要來源。作者根據台灣意識、台灣人政權以及政黨認同的概念，建構三個不同的指標，以測量及定義深綠選民。分析結果發現:以指標的表現而言，三個指標各有其優缺點，但在 TEDS2005M 的資料中，以台灣人政權指標的整體表現較佳。三個指標所定義的深綠選民，投票給泛綠候選人的比例..

Conventional wisdom holds that when President Chen Shui-bian faces personal crises, as well as in the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DDP) election campaigns, Chen and the party always appeal to the so-called “deep- green voters” for support, such that these voters factor prominently in determining election outcomes. The purpose of this paper is to define and measure deep-green voters, and also to examine whether the support of deep- green voters is vital for the pan-green parties. The author creates three i..