受到越來越多新興民主國家制訂半總統制憲法的影響，對於半總統制的相關研究也越來越受到重視。依照學界對半總統制的定義，威瑪共和與芬蘭都在 1919 年設計出符合半總統制內涵的憲法，可說是當代最早的兩個半總統制的個案。這兩個國家的憲政運作卻有完全相反的結果:威瑪在 1933 年崩潰，而芬蘭先是渡過經濟危機，更在 80 年代逐漸往議會制轉型。本文擬就制度與非制度因素的互動，討論這兩個個案運作的迥異結果。本文將從憲法理論做比較的出發點，分析兩種不同理論基礎的半總統制憲..

As democratization spread in Eastern and Central Europe over the last two decades, Semi-Presidentialism has become a concept with more attention paid when discussing constitutional issues. By definition, the Weimar Republic and Finland were two of the initial experiments of semi- presidentialism. However, the constitutional practices in the Weimar Republic and Finland are worlds apart. Both semi-presidential, the Weimar Republic had broken down but Finland became a quasi-parliamentary democracy. This paper intends on discussi..

法國第五共和體制向為半總統制的主要原型典範，並為穩定半總統制的代表，但法國各界對此一制度設計一直有著許多爭論與修改意見。2007 年法國總統大選前，各主要政黨候選人紛紛提出「第六共和」(la VIe République)的憲政倡議。法國新任總統薩科奇(Nicolas Sarkozy)於 2008 年進行自 1958 年第五共和以來最大規模的一次修憲。修憲主要方向同時強化總統與國會的權力，在總統權力部分修憲後強化總統的國會咨文權，形同間接賦予總統的行政優勢..

The French Fifth Republic (la Ve République) is not only the prototype of semi-presidentialism but also the typical model of “stable semi- presidentialism,” of which the French political circle and academia have never stopped their criticism over the design of the French Fifth Republic and have consistently expressed their opinions of modification. Even before the 2007 French presidential election, most of the major parties simultaneously advocated a new constitutional engineering plans of “la VIe Républiq..

1972 年斷交後的台日雙邊關係，在歷經了艱難時代、冷戰後的現在，迎接新時代。即使台日雙邊沒有正式的外交關係，但是以經貿關係、多元的文化交流為主的民間交流支撐雙邊關係順利地發展。由於台日之間沒有正式的關係，不得不借用「交流協會」與「亞東關係協會」等非官方的機構、管道來維持雙方的互動關係。 本文的主要目的是立足於特殊的雙邊關係結構，探討參與日本對台決策的組織、制度、過程及行動者之間的互動關係，進而企圖建立日本對台政策的模型，嘗試分析、比較..

Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (Taiwan) and Japan were broken in 1972 - although non-governmental exchanges have continued through the post-Cold War period - and are now entering new era. Despite the lack of formal diplomatic relations, non-governmental exchanges that focus on close economic and trade ties and a multiplicity of cultural exchanges have promoted the smooth development of bilateral relations. Due to the diplomatic break-off, substantive relations need to be conducted through non-governmental ..

在美國歷史上所簽訂的 14 項 FTA 中，NAFTA 與 CAFTA-DR 最能展現總統與國會在 FTA 政策制訂上所扮演角色與影響決策的程度，故本文以此兩項 FTA 作為研究美國 FTA 決策主體的案例。研究發現，在對外政策的決策主體的三種不同的模式:總統主導模式、國會主導模式與互動模式中，總統模式最能解釋美國 FTA 政策。總統具有龐大的國內外行政資源與政黨力量，可以干預國會的決策並改變個別議員的投票傾向，在不影響 FTA 基本內涵與目的下促使國會通過..

Among all 14 FTA’s signed by the U.S. in history, NAFTA and CAFTA-DR - selected by this paper as cases to identify the entity that owns the power of dominating the U.S. FTA policy - most represent the dynamics and impacts of President and Congress on the FTA policy formation. The research shows that among the three models of decision-making entities of foreign policy - President, Congress, and Interaction, the President model best explains the decision-making of FTA policies. President controls enormous external and int..

民眾政治態度的研究中，政治信任感一直是學者關注的重要主題。本研究以 2004 年總統選舉期間，民眾政治信任感的變化為重點，分析發生在本次總統選舉的「三一九槍擊案」，是否會對於民眾政治信任感產生影響。民眾對選舉過程的程序公正性評估，是否會影響民眾的政治信任感，也是本研究分析的重點。 本研究運用政治大學選舉研究中心在 2004 年選舉前後所進行的定群追蹤研究資料以及在選後執行的訪問資料進行分析，結果發現:民眾在選舉前後，其政治信任感並未產生..

Political trust is an important topic in the field of political attitude research. The focus of this paper is on the changes and continuity in the level of political trust during the 2004 presidential election in Taiwan. We examine the impacts that the controversial March 19 shooting attempt had on political trust. We also explore whether or not evaluations of the procedural fairness of the presidential campaign affect political trust. This study employs panel data collected before and after the 2004 presidential e..