受到越來越多新興民主國家制訂半總統制憲法的影響,對於半總統制的相關研究也越來越受到重視。依照學界對半總統制的定義,威瑪共和與芬蘭都在 1919 年設計出符合半總統制內涵的憲法,可說是當代最早的兩個半總統制的個案。這兩個國家的憲政運作卻有完全相反的結果:威瑪在 1933 年崩潰,而芬蘭先是渡過經濟危機,更在 80 年代逐漸往議會制轉型。本文擬就制度與非制度因素的互動,討論這兩個個案運作的迥異結果。本文將從憲法理論做比較的出發點,分析兩種不同理論基礎的半總統制憲法,並討論這兩種半總統制憲法在危機社會的運作情況。在威瑪是民主崩潰,而芬蘭則是 延續,並且在外部危機消退後逐步向議會制轉型。制度具有的根本差異,加上外在環境的因素,是造成兩個半總統制國家一個崩潰,一個穩定轉型的因素。許多新興民主國家設計半總統制憲法之後,開始追求制度化與民主穩定的目標,這兩個國家的歷史經驗當可以提供一些比較的經驗。
As democratization spread in Eastern and Central Europe over the last two decades, Semi-Presidentialism has become a concept with more attention paid when discussing constitutional issues. By definition, the Weimar Republic and Finland were two of the initial experiments of semi- presidentialism. However, the constitutional practices in the Weimar Republic and Finland are worlds apart. Both semi-presidential, the Weimar Republic had broken down but Finland became a quasi-parliamentary democracy. This paper intends on discussing the differential essences of the semi-presidential constitutions. We will also compare the discrepancy between constitutional essence and practice of these two semi-presidential regimes. The different experiences of the Weimar Republic and Finland can inspire new Semi-Presidential democracies.
本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下,對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現,產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為,由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同,所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知,在總統制下,因為權力完全分立,總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好,但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下,因為權力只有部分分立,國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段,所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中,..
This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..
本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響,並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應,而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答,則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式,將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定,意指小國在其對外行為上,主動將大國之國家利益納入考量,不做出..
This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..
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