冷戰的結束為全球國際情勢創造了新的現況，「安全」的意義不再只是狹義的以「國家」為「安全」的唯一適用單位，「人類安全」概念在這樣的背景下出現。唯「人類安全」指的是「誰的」安全? 針對此一問題，本文從移民議題與人類安全概念的相容性切入，探討人類安全概念在移民議題上之適用性。文章進而專注於歐盟對人類安全概念之論述，並以近年非洲企圖渡海抵達歐洲之移民情況為個案來評估歐盟將人類安全付諸實踐之情況。結論指出，「人類安全」之思維既已得到歐盟支持認同，則那些鋌而走險企圖尋求較好生活環境的非法移民在跨海過..

The new international status quo resulted from the end og the Cold War has broadened tthe definition of "security". No longer does "security" pertian only to "nations", a theme best epitomized by the concept of "human security". The concept of human security, however, has been under attack for its lack of clarity regarding "whose" security it aims to analyze. This article tackles this problem by probing into the applicability of the concept on the migration issue. It focuses on the ..

歐洲統合於過去半個世紀的發展，為政策實踐與學術研究提供建構歐洲特殊身份認同的機會。在尋求一個適合其身份認同的全球性角色的過程當中，歐體/歐盟已在對外政策的合作進程中，展現與傳統強權不同的特質，並呈現出具關鍵影響力的規範性力量。隨著在政策領域當中歐洲國家逐漸發展出對外與安全政策整合的機制，學界也提出「公民強權」的概念，藉以指稱在聯盟的層次上，以集體性的非軍事措施解決國際衝突的方式，在經過不斷實踐形成行為體間互動慣例模式後，所建構出具特殊性的歐盟國際身份認同。 然而，當歐盟開始試探軍..

A half century of European intergration has had a profound effect on both policy practice and academic research in pursuing the distinctiveness of Europe's identity as a whole. In the process of finding an appropriate role based on its constructing identity, the EC/EU has shaped a distinct foreign policy and developed decisive normative power in world affairs. Along with the formation of foreign and security policy cooperation among EU member states, the academic circle has proposed the “civilian power” concept, referring to..

美國為因應後冷戰時期國際安全環境與威脅的改變，至 1996 年止已執行多次全面性的兵力結構檢討。然而，國會認為國防部僅考量維持現有規模與預算，而非依外在安全環境與威脅的改變來調整所需兵力結構。因此，國會為因應二十一世紀的威脅及確保美國國家安全利益，通過「1996 年軍力結構總檢法案」，要求國防部配合總統任期執行「四年期國防總檢」及將評估重點予以法制化。鑑於國內學術界對美國「四年期國防總檢」的論述均以報告內容為重點，故本文將從理性決策與戰略規劃面向，來評析美國..

In response to the changes of international security environment and threat in the post-Cold War era, the United States had conducted various comprehensive assessment of its force structure in 1990-1996 periods. However, the Congress pointed out the Department of Defense intended to realign the force structure just from the view of keeping forces size and defense budget and not from the changes of security environment and threat. In order to meet the threats and protect the U.S. national security interests in the twenty-first..

本文主要目的在分析東協國家對此一波「東亞區域」合作與整合的認知差異，以此分析此一波以東協為核心的東亞合作發展的前景。東亞區域經濟合作與整合是一個多元且複雜的過程，此一波的合作中，東協國家始終強調要扮演掌舵者的角色，並堅持各項以「東協加三」為基礎的合作都要在東協的組織架構中進行，希望對東亞區域的合作議程有實際的主導權。然而，在實踐上，東協國家之間的合作模式本來就較容易受外力的影響，面對中國、日本所提議不同版本的合作，東協成員之間有不同程度的吸引及排斥，也造成了..

The purpose of this paper is to examine perceived differences among the ASEAN countries toward East Asia regional cooperation and integration, and to analyze the prospect of recent regional cooperation with ASEAN members in the foremost position of such development. Regional economic cooperation and integration in East Asia is a diversified and complicated process. Since the beginning, ASEAN countries have been emphasizing on their principal role in leading the process. They want to play a dominant role in influencing the age..

本文屬於規範性的研究，在於提出個人對於國際永久和平的看法。本文分為六個部分。首先，對於歷史上曾經出現過的國際和平思想進程進行析論;其次，探討目前有無可能跳越「國家」這個長久存在的和平論述主體? 第三，嘗試解開和平論述的傳統面紗，將和平論述的主體從抽象的「國家」 轉移到更為實質的「政府」;第四，介紹「開放和平論」的理論基礎;第五，探究「開放政治市場」在歷史發展過程中曾經有過的若干實踐經驗及其意義;最後，則是對「開放政治市場」的內涵及實踐可行性表述。「開放政治市..

This article is normative in nature; it attempts to delineate the author’s view on international peace in six parts. It begins with a review of the development of international peace theory, and then advances to a discussion on the possibility of skipping the “state”—the long established subject in peace discourse—in our probing of the issue in point. The third part attempts to shift the abstract subject of the “state” in traditional peace discourse to a more substantial one of the &l..