在過去的二十年以來，理論辯論成為寬廣的國際關係理論領域中日益顯著的部份。如果我們需要使用一組可信而適當的理論，來回答關於在特定條件下國際關係理論分歧的向題，則現有理論無法提供一個滿意的答案。 本文嘗試提出一個整體的觀點，來理解國際關係中的研究途徑與理論概念現存的分歧情形。基此目的，本研究的目標，在於藉由統攝概念的運動，以建立 一個國際關係理論分歧現象的分析架構，來理解那些主理論分歧的現象。 本文的討論並未解決那些現存理論分歧的問題，只是嘗試說明一個理論的爭議將會如何予以解..

Over the last 20 years, theoretical debates have become an increasingly conspicuous part in the broader field of international Relations Theory. If we are in need of an adequate theory that provides a set of plausible and testable answers to questions about theoretical diversity under specified conditions, the existing theory, in term, does not suffice. This paper attempts to provide a comprehensive perspective to understand the existing diversity of research approaches and theoretical concepts of international relations. To this end, t..

1990年統一前，東德由德國社會主義統一黨進行威權統治，西德則為一個自由民主國家，政黨在公平的競爭制度中運作。兩德統一後，政治制度迥異的兩個體系在重整過程中，必然會出現嚴重的磨合現象。不同於以往探究政黨體系僅重視體系內單純的「相關性政黨數字」的變化，與政黨「意識形態」距離與強度的差異，本論文試著從「社會分歧」(social cleavage)出發，觀察德國統一以來，社會結構分歧程度與政黨反應此基礎所呈現的互動關係，並說明政黨勢力的興衰，如何合作結盟或是分裂結構，已呈現德國政黨體系的內涵特..

Before German unification in 1990, East Germany/GDR was authoritarian-governed by the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and West Germany/FRG was a democratic state with a relatively fair competitive party system. Serious conflicts between totally different political systems must have emerged when they started to become a unified state. Differing from the traditional approach to studying party systems through party numbers and ideologies, the author will, through “social cleavage,” examine how German parties reflect the change of ..

在一個以美國為首的後冷戰單極國際體系中，次級強權與美國之間的動態性權力安排，將直接影響單及體系是否得以續存。傳統國際關係理論主張「權力平衡」是維持國際社會與區域安全的穩定要素，但該理論針對的是強權間為維持軍事戰略利益，所採取以軍事力量作為手段的平衡關係，對於後冷戰時期美國與其他次級強權的互動，似乎缺乏解釋的效力。在這些次級強權當中，歐洲聯盟扮演一個非常特殊的角色。歐洲與美國同享重要的文化與宗教價值，但在具戰略意義的議題上，兩者的歧見卻益形明顯。歐盟在重大國際議題上與美國的背道而馳，已形成..

In a U.S.-dominated post-Cold War unipolar international system, the possible power shifts between the second-tier great powers and the Americans, such as a systemic balance, will have great impacts on the existence and endurance of the current international system. According to the Realist theses, “balance of power” is a stabilizing factor that contributes to international security and regional stability as the great powers endeavor to prevent concentration of capabilities in one or a few nations through the process of distribu..

印巴關係一直是南亞區域安全的焦點，而印巴自兩國獨立之後就擺盪在戰爭與和談之間，長久以來對喀什米爾(Kashmir)主權的認知無法達成共 識。本文的論點是，「安全困境」(security dilemma)不一定是印巴關係的宿命。兩國之間的戰或和，多半取決於主要決策者在面對國內各利益團體及國際的壓力時，基於維持權力的目的，做出決策所造成的結果。本文將以 1998-2004 年期間印巴和平進程為例，探討印巴兩國在國際、國內環境及領導利益等因素影響之下所做的決策，如..

This article will examine the relations between India and Pakistan during 1998-2004 and study how decisions made by leaders of India and Pakistan under domestic and international pressure had influenced India- Pakistan relations. The article argues that the India-Pakistan relations will not necessarily be trapped in the "security dilemma." The relations between the two countries for a large part depend on the decisions of major policymakers based on the goal of maintaining power as well as foreign players such as th..

第二次世界大戰之後，現代南亞研究開始現身於美國學界，儘管其受到區域研究跨學科典範的影響，但卻仍未能完全擺脫東方學和印度學所積累下來的濃厚古典主義色彩，並在幾所領銜區域研究的重點大學院校中，形成獨樹一格的南亞研究傳統，著重於非功利取向的人文式理解;唯在受到一系列知識性與制度性的質疑和挑戰之後，隨著區域研究本身面臨學科紀律的重組與反省，過去對於南亞問題的研究視野，也開始出現許多檢討與轉變。在本文的討論中，我們便將透過南亞研究在美國學界發展軌跡的回顧與檢討，描繪區..

The establishing of South Asian studies in America during the decades following the WWII marked an important shift in the study of South Asia from Oriental studies and Indology towards an interdisciplinary area studies approach which tried to treat this area as objects of social sciences and humanities. During the ensuing decade, the earnest scholarship begun with the leading universities, such as the University of Chicago, University of Pennsylvania; all fostered new projects focused on South Asia. They had emphasized study ..