1980 年代中期以來，包括台灣在內的部分亞洲、中東歐、中南美等國家紛紛進行民主轉型，並帶動新一波的憲法變遷。不過，在民主轉型的脈絡中，憲法究竟扮演何種角色，則一直未受到充分學術探討。本文旨在深究民主轉型與憲法變遷間的互動關係。 在研究方法上，本文歸納分析民主轉型國家的憲法變遷，提出四種主要的模式:轉型初期一次制憲、轉型初期一次大幅修憲、階段式制憲、多次漸進修憲。其次則從主權因素、政權更迭、憲政傳統以及國際干預的四個面向，探討民主轉型國..

Many countries in East and Central Europe, Central and South America, and Asia, including Taiwan, undertook democratic transitions amidst the 1980s, which triggered a new wave of constitutional change. The role of constitutional change in the context of democratic transitions, however, has not been explored and discussed fully by scholars in the field. This article aims at addressing this issue and focuses on the interactions between democratic transitions and constitutional change. In order to analyze constitution..

歐洲統合的進程在經濟、文化與推動西方普世價值方面已使得歐洲聯盟成為一個全球「公民強權」的角色，但是是否藉此轉化成為一個「軍事強權」，仍然是歐盟各會員國爭論的焦點。從馬斯垂克條約將「共同外交與安全政策」納入歐盟決策的三大支柱之一後，歐盟在外交與安全政策的合作才開始具備法律的基礎。但是一九九0年代發生於歐洲本身的區域衝突，凸顯歐盟在解決歐洲本身軍事爭端時的無力感。在一九九0年代末期發展出的「歐洲安全與防衛政策」即著眼於歐盟自主軍事力量的整合與強化，以期因應未來可能發生的區域與國際衝突。 ..

The process of the European integration in economic, cultural and universalising Western values in the past half century has reinforced EU's role as a global “civilian power”. The 1992 Maastricht Treaty founded a “Common Foreign and Security Policy ”, as one of the three pillars of EU, providing c0operation of foreign and security policies among member states with a legal basis. Nevertheless, regional conflicts in Europe of hte 90s only demonstrated that EU was not yet capable of solving military conflicts in its..

1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞成為全球安全局勢最具挑戰的地區之一，強權在中亞的權力競逐亦日趨白熱化。對積極邁向世界強權的歐盟而言，中亞天然資源豐富又位居反恐戰略要衝地位，是兵家必爭之地，但受制於地緣政治因素，歐盟在中亞儼然還不是戰略玩家，其與中亞國家之關係迄今仍根據1999年生效的「夥伴暨合作協定」，缺乏一套完整的戰略規劃。2003年11月喬治亞爆發「玫瑰革命」，隨後又在前蘇聯地區引發連鎖效應，使歐盟在中亞的戰略再成討論議題。 本文主要係從歐盟「歐洲睦鄰政策」的面向切入，分別檢視歐..

Central Asia reemerged from the collapse of the USSR in 1991 as one of the political and security challenging regions, intensifying the struggle among competing powers. The region's natural resources and strategic importance on anti-terrorism are critical for EU striving to achieve a global great power. But restricted by geo-politics, EU has not become a strategic player in Central Asia. The only legal framework of EU-Central Asian bilateral relations was the “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” (PCA) since 1999, lacking ..

本文主要分三大部分，首先從「新現實主義」、「新自由主義」與「善治」等三個角度，探索歐盟 (European Union/EU) 對中國政策的產出背景與運作邏輯。其次，本文將從實踐面著手，從歐盟與中國對彼此發表的八份文件，分析歐盟對中國政策的具體實踐，並檢視歐盟與中國在「軍售」、「WTO與市場經濟地位」以及「人權」三個問題上的互動與折衝。最後，本文將檢討與評估歐盟對中國政策的運作成效，以及歐盟內部成員國的立場對於歐盟對中國政策產出的影響，並展望歐盟的中國政策對其區域與全球戰略佈局的未來發展..

This article is divided into three major parts. It first explores the background and logic of EU's China policy from three aspectds : Neo-Realism, Neo-Liberalism and Good Governance. It then turns to practices and reviews EU's China policy based on eight documents issued by EU and China. It analyzes the reciprocity, negotiation, and compromise between EU and China on three issues of arms sales, WTO and market economy status, and human rights. In the final part, it reviews and evaluates the effect of EU's China policy and its mem..

本文所要探討的是一個尚未回答的問題，也就是歐盟的法律地位問題，換句話說，歐盟在法律上屬於哪一類型的政治組織? 很顯然的，以傳統法律術語裡面所定義的聯邦去定位歐盟並不合適。目前的歐盟，既不是聯邦，也不應視為聯邦。當然，她也不能被稱為一個國家，因為她並沒有也不願爭取做為一個國家所必須具備的最高決策權力。根據歐盟憲法條約草案第一條第十一項第二款的規定，歐盟任何一種權力的取得以歐盟成員國的個別授權為限。因此，如何定義歐盟，至今還沒有人給過一個大家都能接受的答案。 筆者認為，給予歐..

The article deals with an unanswered question of how the legal status of the European Union may be characterized. In other words: What kind of political community the EU belongs to? It is rather easy to demonstrate that the juridical terms, which were used traditionally to define federally organized political units, are not appropriate to characterize the European Union. It may not be treated as a confederation of soveregin states nor as a federal state, and the EU itself resists being called a state at all. It is because that the EU do..