本文探討影響中美在中國沿海進行海域油氣勘探合作的主要變數。尼克森政府時期，中美開始海域油氣勘探上的接觸。改革開放與中美建交後，中國擴大與美國在海域油氣勘探上的合作。不過，中國和周邊國家存在領土與邊界爭議。北京威脅使用武力，對美國政府與石油公司產生影響。《聯合國海洋法公約》是另一個重要變數，特別是在蘇聯瓦解後。2008 年，中美開始進行有關投資保障協定的談判。一般而言，雙邊投資協定要求簽約國對外來投資者提供保護。2012 年，歐巴馬政府完成了美國投資保障協定範..

This article discusses major factors affecting offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the United States along China’s coast. Contact between the U.S. and China regarding offshore oil and natural gas exploration began in the Nixon Administration. After the reform and opening-up policy and the establishment of Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations, China expanded cooperation with the U.S. in offshore oil and natural gas exploration. However, there are existing territ..

日本「防衛計畫大綱」的制定模式隨內外環境變化，政治菁英與官僚的政策功能不斷改變，而政官之間互動也成為影響防衛政策內容的主因。過去四期的制定模式變化從冷戰期間高度左右意識形態對立下政治菁英消極參與及官僚有限主導、冷戰後政黨脆弱共識下政治菁英有限參與及官僚有限主導、到 911 事件後內閣強力主導下官僚被動配合、與民主黨執政下的多元政治參與及官僚擔任專業幕僚，逐漸形成政官分工架構。其中，內閣與執政黨負責提供政治領導、政策方向、與政黨間共識形成;防衛官僚認知國際局勢..

The making of Japan’s National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG)has been shifting from a limited bureaucratic-centric model under domestic ideological confrontation and political elites’ limited participation during and after the Cold War to the division of labor between political and bureaucratic elites during Koizumi’s “Kantei Diplomacy” and the Democratic Party of Japan(DPJ)era. The Cabinet and ruling party provide political leadership, policy direction, and consensus formation in the ruling c..

本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型，檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示，大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的，都不是基於國際道義考量，但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主，目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已，更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之，美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異，肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。  

In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..

Benjamin J. Cohen 和 Eric. Helleiner 對貨幣權力進行概念論述，但欠缺具體操作指標，學者趙文志依 Cohen 貨幣權力理論中的延遲權力與轉移權力，提出延遲權力中有中、美兩國外匯儲備量、國債發行規模的借貸能力，轉移權力以貿易占 GDP 比值的開放程度，共三項具體指標，指出美國開放度比中國低、但美元流動性與借貸能力高於中國，說明美國對中國有貨幣權力，但該文無法說明中國外匯存底和貿易開放程度都高於美國，但為何是美國擁有貨幣權力，顯然..

Although Benjamin J. Cohen and Eric Helleiner have developed narratives on Monetary Power, there is no clear operational definition of the term. Based on Cohen’s discussion of the power of delay and the power of transfer, Chou Wen-Chi came up with three criteria to measure Monetary Power: foreign reserve, outstanding national debt, and percentage of trade in GDP. Using these criteria, he pointed out that although the US is less trade- dependent, liquidity of US Dollar and borrowing ability of the US are both higher. Thu..

北京倡議的「亞洲基礎設施投資銀行」(簡稱:亞投行)，在華府眼中，卻認為會挑戰到當今美國主導的全球經濟秩序。事實上，資本額度僅 1000 億美元的亞投行，無法撼動美國在全球金融政治中的主導地位。美國對亞投行戒慎恐懼，真是美元的地位受到威脅?亞投行的設立是否真能實踐人民幣國際化的目標?本文主張，中國應支持亞投行以美元發行(而非人民幣計價) 的「亞投行債券」，並同時設立「帶路基金」發行人民幣計價的「帶路基金債券」。如此，中國才得逐步降低對美國國債的過度依賴，掌握到..

Beijing launched the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank(AIIB)in order to offer financial resources for more investments to Asian countries in need. To some extent, the US$ 100 billion AIIB is not supposed to impose any serious threat to U.S. dominance in global finance. Why does the U.S. fear the China-led AIIB? Would the establishment of AIIB speed up decline of the dollar as an international currency? Is the AIIB likely to contribute to further internationalization of the renminbi(RMB)? This paper contends that China shou..