2005 年 5 月和 6 月法國與荷蘭分別公投否決歐洲憲法後，制憲運動和歐洲統合頓時陷入危機，要等到 2007 年 1 月德國接任歐盟輪值主席國，同年 5 月法國總統大選結束後，歐盟 27 國領袖才在 6 月柏林高峰會上達成協議，召開政府間會議，10 月里斯本高峰會通過新約，然後於 12 月正式簽署。 2009 年 10 月 2 日愛爾蘭二次公投通過里斯本條約後，歐盟 27 國已完成里斯本條約的批准程序，僅待愛爾蘭、捷克、波蘭和德國將批准書存放至義大利外交..

The European integration as well as the EU Constitution-Building was in an impasse in the aftermath of the negative results of the French and Dutch referenda in mid 2005. It was not until the new German government under the leadership of Angela Merkel assumed the EU presidency in January 2007 and the French elected a new President in May of the same year that EU and its member states began working effectively to find a solution to put an end to this crisis. The Berlin European Council in June 2007 finally adopted the compromi..

在國際關係理論中，以主權國家為前提，以理性選擇為途徑，這種採用國家是單一理性行為體的假設，在解釋國際合作與否時，已經面臨到一些挑戰，換言之，非國家行為體亦扮演重要角色。另外，由新現實主義和新自由主義共同假定的制度結構，在日趨複雜的現實世界中，也不能完全理解真實國際社會合作發生的原因。因此，本文嘗試引用認知理論，藉共同認知變項的提出，並結合共同利益變項，透過整合制度結構和認知轉化的過程，導出一種國際合作框架。在驗證部份，本文採用賽局理論和列舉實際案例，說明制度..

In international relations, some theories explain international cooperation almost solely based on sovereign states and a presumed approach of rational choice. However, these hypotheses assume a state-actor, as a rational unit, will meet some unforeseen challenges, thus we need a non-state actor as another variable. Furthermore, an institutional structure of neo- realism’s and neo-liberalism’s hypothesis do not fully illustrate how international cooperation occurs in the real world. So we adopt both the cognitive ..

長久以來，質性研究遭受過於主觀與不夠嚴謹的批評。紮根理論因應這樣的氛圍而生，紮根理論之研究途徑企圖藉由發展系統性的分析模式以理解「過程」、「情境」及「行動」等概念，並對上述批判作出反駁。然而，因為 Strauss 與 Corbin 兩位原作者在論述上的衝突，開啟了一連串對於概念性與方法論上的爭辯與困惑。因此，本文企圖重新審視紮根理論的不同途徑以便釐清其認識論上的矛盾。同時，本文建議以不同「情境」作為驅動個人行動的主要論述，以便對「譯碼典範」作出修正。最後，我..

Qualitative research has been criticized for the lack of objectivity and scientific rigor. In response to such criticism, grounded theory emerged as a philosophical and analytical approach to studying the process, action, and context of social phenomena. Nevertheless, the controversy between Strauss and Corbin, the founders of grounded theory, has provoked never-ending academic debates. Confusions are inevitably derived respectively from both theoretical foundations and methodological applications. This research is to clarify..

自 Dittmer 開啟戰略三角的國際政治理論後，三邊戰略探討便成為頗具詮釋力的理論模型。從冷戰時期的「美、蘇、中」戰略三角到近期的其它戰略三角，如「美、中、歐盟」、「美、中、印度」等等，族衍甚繁。 然而在東亞區域間的「美、中、台」戰略三角，隨著「中國崛起」的世界性影響與美國的東亞區域霸權穩定與利益，更使「美、中、台」戰略三角凸顯其重要性與區域霸權穩定或轉移的關鍵。以「美、蘇、中」戰略三角為立論基礎的 Dittmer 戰略三角論，是基於..

Since Lowell Dittmer proposed the theory of strategic triangle, the theory has become a powerful explanatory model that developed various triangles from the US-Soviet Union-China strategic triangle in the Cold War to the other more recent triangles like the US-China-EU and the US-China- India. Among various triangles, the US-China-Taiwan triangle has evolved into a relatively more critical one in terms of its impact on the regional hegemonic stability or shift in East Asia due to the rise of China that is shaking the US hegem..

從印度和巴基斯坦在 1998 年決定進行「全面對話」(Composite Dialogue)，到 2004 年 2 月印巴「全面對話」正式開展，期間受到兩國情勢及事件的阻撓，並在 2006 年 7 月中斷數月。印度和巴基斯坦也花很多時間和精力在討論對話條件以及所包括的議題。本文的焦點為 2003 年及 2006 年 「全面對話」兩次復談協商的過程。本文將「全面對話」復談協商過程視為協調賽局，並分析、檢驗內部因素與外部壓力如何影響印巴對於復談協商的意願、相關合..

India and Pakistan agreed to undertake “Composite Dialogue” in 1998. However, the dialogue did not take place substantially until February 2004. In the interim, the two countries were deterred from launching the dialogue officially by various kinds of domestic situations and events. In July of 2006, the dialogue was disrupted again for several months due to terrorism. In the meantime, India and Pakistan spent a lot of time and efforts in negotiating the conditions for the resumption of the dialogue and issues to b..