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搜尋結果 : 和" the U.S."有關的資料, 共有15筆
中美外援是基於國際道義或現實利益?非洲案例的實證分析
Are the U.S. and China's Foreign Aid Based on International Morality or Real Interests? An Empirical Analysis of the Africa Case
郭建中(Jiann-Jong Guo)王國臣(Guo-Chen Wang)
即將出版
55卷1期(2016/03/01)

本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型,檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示,大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的,都不是基於國際道義考量,但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主,目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已,更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之,美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異,肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。  

In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..

以中國對美國資本回流率檢視貨幣權力理論
Testing the Monetary Power Theory: A Case of China’s Capital Account/Current Account to the U.S.
沈麗山(Lih-Shan Shen)
即將出版
55卷1期(2016/03/01)

Benjamin J. Cohen 和 Eric. Helleiner 對貨幣權力進行概念論述,但欠缺具體操作指標,學者趙文志依 Cohen 貨幣權力理論中的延遲權力與轉移權力,提出延遲權力中有中、美兩國外匯儲備量、國債發行規模的借貸能力,轉移權力以貿易占 GDP 比值的開放程度,共三項具體指標,指出美國開放度比中國低、但美元流動性與借貸能力高於中國,說明美國對中國有貨幣權力,但該文無法說明中國外匯存底和貿易開放程度都高於美國,但為何是美國擁有貨幣權力,顯然..

Although Benjamin J. Cohen and Eric Helleiner have developed narratives on Monetary Power, there is no clear operational definition of the term. Based on Cohen’s discussion of the power of delay and the power of transfer, Chou Wen-Chi came up with three criteria to measure Monetary Power: foreign reserve, outstanding national debt, and percentage of trade in GDP. Using these criteria, he pointed out that although the US is less trade- dependent, liquidity of US Dollar and borrowing ability of the US are both higher. Thu..

十二個主要國家回應美國霸權之實證研究:2011年擊殺賓拉登事件
An Empirical Study on the Reactions to the U.S. Hegemony: The Bin Laden Incident of 2011
賴文儀(Mark W. Lai)
即將出版
52卷4期(2013/12/01)

2011 年 5 月 2 日美國特種部隊攻擊賓拉登(Osama bin Laden)之住處並且結束長達十年對於頭號國際恐怖分子的追擊,在此之後,各國對於此事件的反應呈現出不同的面貌。本文將以實證方法研究美國與各國的外交關係、各國對賓拉登事件的反應、主要媒體評論之間的互動關連,整理出支持與不支持美國的總表。本研究亦將思考:在採取爭議性的方法達成其國家利益的同時,美國霸權是否可以在未來持盈保泰?本研究所採取的新聞分析方法,是否能夠提供外交政策研究更多的可能性? ..

As the U.S. special forces thundered into Bin Laden’s compound and terminated the decade long chase of the most wanted terrorist on May 2, 2011, the global reaction to this incident presented diverse versions for interpretation. This empirical study answers the questions: can the U.S. identify those who support or oppose its foreign policy by their reactions to the Bin Laden incident? By probing into the governmental archives and major media in selected countries, this research answers two more important questions: has ..

論析美國「四年期國防總檢」的立法要求與影響
A Study of the Legislation and Impacts of the U.S. Quadrennial Defense Review
陳勁甫(Ching-Pu Chen)邱榮守(Jung-Shou Chiou)
即將出版
46卷3期(2007/09/01)

美國為因應後冷戰時期國際安全環境與威脅的改變,至 1996 年止已執行多次全面性的兵力結構檢討。然而,國會認為國防部僅考量維持現有規模與預算,而非依外在安全環境與威脅的改變來調整所需兵力結構。因此,國會為因應二十一世紀的威脅及確保美國國家安全利益,通過「1996 年軍力結構總檢法案」,要求國防部配合總統任期執行「四年期國防總檢」及將評估重點予以法制化。鑑於國內學術界對美國「四年期國防總檢」的論述均以報告內容為重點,故本文將從理性決策與戰略規劃面向,來評析美國..

In response to the changes of international security environment and threat in the post-Cold War era, the United States had conducted various comprehensive assessment of its force structure in 1990-1996 periods. However, the Congress pointed out the Department of Defense intended to realign the force structure just from the view of keeping forces size and defense budget and not from the changes of security environment and threat. In order to meet the threats and protect the U.S. national security interests in the twenty-first..

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