選舉制度影響政黨體系,是廣為人知的因果推論。依此邏輯,若以政黨體系為因,以選舉制度的變化為果,即產生內生性的選制變遷理論。然而,某些研究者仍認為選制變革起於和政黨體系無關的外生因素。本文主張,選制變遷是否受到政黨體系的影響,取決於選制的種類。第一,有利大黨的多數決選制如果始終未出現一黨過半,則國會屬於多黨制,有可能因為小黨組成多數聯盟而改採比例性選制。尤其當現狀為並立式單一選區兩票制時,可能因為小黨的議席多來自政黨名單,而比代表區域主義的多數決選制更容易導致..
It is well known that electoral system shapes party system. By this logic, an endogenous explanation for changes in electoral systems should treat party system as the cause and changes as the consequence, in sharp contrast with theories attributing changes to exogenous factors that are irrelevant to party system. This paper argues that whether changes in electoral system are caused by party system depend on the type of the electoral system. First, if a majority party never emerges from a majoritarian electoral system, minor p..
本研究以為,兩岸關係的核心議題即為經濟合作擴溢到政治協議的爭 論,原因在於其涉及政黨認同、族群意識、國家認同、臺海安全,以及經濟 發展等各種複雜因素。鑑於經濟合作為當前臺灣兩岸關係進程的關鍵議題, 本研究以「新自由制度主義」(neo-liberal institutionalism)作為研究架構,分 析在 2010 年簽訂「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA)之後,臺灣民眾..
As far as cross-Strait relations are concerned, the core issue could be the argument about the spillover effects from economic cooperation toward political negotiations, because it closely relates to party identification, ethnic consciousness, national identity, cross-Strait security, and economic development. In light of the critical agenda of cross-Strait economic cooperation, this study employs neo-liberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework, and examines the impact of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement..
本文檢視全世界民主國家在不同總統與國會選制的搭配組合下,政黨體系有何不同。本文發現,就國會選制而言,國會選舉採比例代表制的國家, 其國會有效政黨數在整體上明顯多於國會選舉採單一選區相對多數制的國家;而不論是國會選舉採比例代表制或是採單一選區相對多數制的國家,有總統直選制度之國家的國會有效政黨數,明顯少於無總統直選制度的國家。 進一步言,在國會選舉採比例代表制的國家中,若總統選舉採相對多數制,其國會有效政黨數會少於總統選舉採兩輪決選制的國家;不過,在國會選舉採..
This study comprehensively observes the party system under different collocations of presidential and parliamentary electoral system in democracies all over the world. Regarding parliamentary electoral system, it is found that the effective number of parliamentary parties in the countries adopting proportional representation system(PR), overall, is apparently larger than that in countries adopting plurality with single-member-district system(SMD), and that in countries holding direct presidential elections is clearly smaller ..
當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率,有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展,有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話,而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究,帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace),主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且,如果再將威權政體進一步分類,則僅有單..
When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..
政黨輪替是當代民主政治發展的重要條件。日本的民主政治雖然在戰後新憲法公布後即開始進行,但自 1955 年起便形成自民黨一黨獨大的政治體制。這是因為,日本戰後的政黨輪替思維,受限於國內政治、經濟、社會與政黨條件等國內外環境的影響,使其無法在民主政治發展過程中具體展現。冷戰結束後政經情勢的轉變,讓日本的政黨輪替思維獲得解放,也促成了日本民主黨的成立與發展。本文主旨是藉由民主理論與近代日本政治發展觀點,思考政黨輪替思維在日本的演變歷程,並以日本民主黨的成立背景、組..
Party alternation is an important condition for the development of modern democracy. Although the Japanese democracy after World War II proceeded from the enforcement of the new constitution, LDP dominated the Japanese politics since 1955. The party alternation thinking in Japan was limited by the situations of domestic and international environment such as politics, economics, society and parties. The end of the Cold War liberated the party alternation thinking in Japan, and led to the formation and development of DPJ. This ..
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