本研究以為，兩岸關係的核心議題即為經濟合作擴溢到政治協議的爭 論，原因在於其涉及政黨認同、族群意識、國家認同、臺海安全，以及經濟 發展等各種複雜因素。鑑於經濟合作為當前臺灣兩岸關係進程的關鍵議題， 本研究以「新自由制度主義」(neo-liberal institutionalism)作為研究架構，分 析在 2010 年簽訂「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA)之後，臺灣民眾..

As far as cross-Strait relations are concerned, the core issue could be the argument about the spillover effects from economic cooperation toward political negotiations, because it closely relates to party identification, ethnic consciousness, national identity, cross-Strait security, and economic development. In light of the critical agenda of cross-Strait economic cooperation, this study employs neo-liberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework, and examines the impact of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement..

本文檢視全世界民主國家在不同總統與國會選制的搭配組合下，政黨體系有何不同。本文發現，就國會選制而言，國會選舉採比例代表制的國家， 其國會有效政黨數在整體上明顯多於國會選舉採單一選區相對多數制的國家;而不論是國會選舉採比例代表制或是採單一選區相對多數制的國家，有總統直選制度之國家的國會有效政黨數，明顯少於無總統直選制度的國家。 進一步言，在國會選舉採比例代表制的國家中，若總統選舉採相對多數制，其國會有效政黨數會少於總統選舉採兩輪決選制的國家;不過，在國會選舉採..

This study comprehensively observes the party system under different collocations of presidential and parliamentary electoral system in democracies all over the world. Regarding parliamentary electoral system, it is found that the effective number of parliamentary parties in the countries adopting proportional representation system(PR), overall, is apparently larger than that in countries adopting plurality with single-member-district system(SMD), and that in countries holding direct presidential elections is clearly smaller ..

當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率，有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展，有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話，而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究，帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace)，主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且，如果再將威權政體進一步分類，則僅有單..

When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..

政黨輪替是當代民主政治發展的重要條件。日本的民主政治雖然在戰後新憲法公布後即開始進行，但自 1955 年起便形成自民黨一黨獨大的政治體制。這是因為，日本戰後的政黨輪替思維，受限於國內政治、經濟、社會與政黨條件等國內外環境的影響，使其無法在民主政治發展過程中具體展現。冷戰結束後政經情勢的轉變，讓日本的政黨輪替思維獲得解放，也促成了日本民主黨的成立與發展。本文主旨是藉由民主理論與近代日本政治發展觀點，思考政黨輪替思維在日本的演變歷程，並以日本民主黨的成立背景、組..

Party alternation is an important condition for the development of modern democracy. Although the Japanese democracy after World War II proceeded from the enforcement of the new constitution, LDP dominated the Japanese politics since 1955. The party alternation thinking in Japan was limited by the situations of domestic and international environment such as politics, economics, society and parties. The end of the Cold War liberated the party alternation thinking in Japan, and led to the formation and development of DPJ. This ..

戰後日本的政治安定與經濟成果，被譽為「日本第一」或「經濟奇蹟」，引發日本研究者的好奇心，而在觀察日本的政治過程中，政治人物與官僚的角色是主要的焦點。日本的學術界對於政治過程的主導者為誰，先後出現「官僚主導」與「政黨主導」的論爭，爾後又出現「政策類型」的論點，主張政治人物與官僚處於合作或競爭的狀態。本文主要目的是論述上述論點的主要內容，同時分析其成立的背景，最後提出解釋上的侷限性，期望有助於瞭解日本的政治決定過程。  

After World War ΙΙ, “Japan as No.1 (or ‘economical miracle’),” which signifies Japan’s political and economical achievements, always attracted researchers’ curiosity. As we know, politicians and bureaucrats play leading roles in Japanese political processes; consequently, the Japanese academia argued over the perspectives of “bureaucracy domination” and “party domination,” then the argument was switched to “policy domination,” which emphasizes t..