主流國際關係學者認為，美國在冷戰時期尊重英國在新加坡的殖民地位，故不干涉英國內政，也不介入獨立前新加坡的政治。此外，由於李光耀的反共形象，學者亦少質疑他與美國的友誼；而族群與意識形態接近的台灣，也常被認為與李光耀交好。本文以檔案與國際關係文獻為核心，回顧1950年代李光耀與英國、美國及台灣之間的關係，尋找李光耀不同的面貌。 本文發現李光耀因其行為親北京，使英國與美國產生很大的爭辯，導致美國介入新加坡政治，迥異於主流學者的認知。身為殖民主的英國熟悉新加坡的華人認同政治，認為李光耀是機會..

Many scholars concur US acceptance of Britain’s colonial policies during the Cold War, and therefore rarely study the phenomenon of American intervention in British internal affairs especially with regard to pre-independence Singapore politics. Moreover, because of popular perceptions of Lee Kuan Yew's anti-communist stance, scholars seldom question his relationship with Washington. Taiwan, due to its ethnic and ideological proximity with Singapore, was also widely believed to be friendly towards Lee. Using archival research, this..

2011年3月11日，日本規模9.0地震所引發的海嘯，導致福島核電廠出現爐心燃料熔損及放射物質外釋的緊急狀態。福島核災後，媒體大篇幅的報導，引發了國人對核電安全的普遍關注，也激起國人對國家整體核電政策的關心。為了解福島核災後，新聞媒體使用哪些框架再現核電議題? 這些媒體框架是否因報別的不同而有所差異?福島核災後新聞媒體報導凸顯了哪些人的觀點?這些人所呈現的立場與價值為何?有何差異?以及福島核災後新聞媒體的報導呈現何種趨勢?在媒體框架和價值觀點上是否有所變化?..

This study aims to explore how newspapers represents the nuclear power issue in Taiwan after the Fukushima Event, a catastrophic failure at the Fukushima I Nuclear Power Plant on 11 March 2011. The Fukushima Event has significant implications on both energy policy and anti-nuclear campaign in Taiwan. It also draws the attention of media coverage and has great impact on how media frame the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant dispute in Taiwan. The analysis of media frames and values within ongoing nuclear power policy debates not only ..

半總統制的設計，通常有一民選的總統及民選產生的國會;在此體制下，由於總統與國會雙元選舉的實施，國會理論上比一般單元選舉的內閣制 要有更強的監督制衡力量。但這種體制下的國會是否具備優於內閣制的監督能量，則在文獻上甚少探討，也成為本研究的最初動機。本文試著比較兩個半總統制的國家-臺灣與法國，並從較傳統的制度面切入，來探究兩國在制度設計安排上，賦予國會的監督潛能為何。這裡的制度設計安排，主要包括憲法及相關法規中賦予國會、委員會及個別議員的權力和資源配備;以及目前國..

The so-called semi-presidentialism designs a system that popularly elects both the president and the parliament. Under the dual-election design, the parliament theoretically should own more check and balance power than a parliament that gives rise to the cabinet. However, whether the parliament under semi-presidentialism in practice is indeed equipped with more oversight capacity than that of a cabinet system’s parliament has been rarely studied in prior literature. This paper tries to study this theoretically inte..

針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係，對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策，試圖強化兩岸民間互動，促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流，自 2004 年以降，邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模，參與頗為熱絡，但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響，目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此，作者乃透過深度訪談，搭配以問卷分析，探討此類交流接觸經驗，能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現，參與此類活動後，台灣青年既有的刻板印象，產生相當顯著的變化，但若觸及深層..

To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..

本文觀察台灣與韓國發展過程的差異，對兩地金融危機形態以及金融重建進展的影響。兩國金融重建過程的差異受到危機形態的制約，這又受到之前發展形態的影響，亦即是否出現雙元經濟:同時存在一個面對軟預算的內需部門與一個面對硬預算的出口部門。韓國的金融危機，除了一開始的壞帳率較高之外，更包含外匯危機，另外出口重心的財閥負債淨值比高，而且很多是國際的借貸，產生急迫的壓力要採取結構性的改革措施以挽回市場的信心，不同面向改革工程在短時間內次第開展。雙元經濟的存在使台灣的金融危機..

This paper explores how patterns of development affect types of financial crises and financial restructuring by comparing the experiences of Taiwan and South Korea. With or without the presence of dual economy determines the nature of the financial crises, eventually affecting the scopes and paces of restructuring packages in the two countries. Dual economy in this context denotes the coexistence of an efficient exporting sector and an inefficient domestic sector. The financial crisis in South Korea involved high initial non-..