本研究擬針對 Journal Citation Report(JCR)政治學門的期刊排序進行探討，以期國內政治學界就此問題上建立新共識，其重點在於:整理一套具有時間縱軸的資料庫，建立一套包括政治學次領域(政治理論、國際關係、公共行政、比較政治、區域研究)的期刊排序，提供一套政治學門個別國際期刊特別屬性的質化背景資料，並對國內政治學界提出是否擴大現有 SSCI 期刊名單的建議。  

This research utilizes the Journal Citation Report’s ranking order of political science as a reference in order to fashion an understanding among the Taiwanese scholarly community. The research aims to the following goals: 1). To set up a longitudinal time series data set, 2). to incorporate all the subsets of political science journal rank order, including political theories, international relations, public administration, comparative politics, area studies, and 3). to provide a qualitative reference data set on all po..

本文主要在探討泰國金融改革過程中，國內主要行為者之間的制度性關係。受到 1997 年金融風暴的影響，民主黨(Democrat Party)的乃川 (Chuan Leekpai)政府接受國際貨幣基金(International Monetary Fund, IMF)的建議與援助，從國家長期發展的角度出發，採取了相關的結構性改革政策。但是，2001 年上台的塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)政府卻採取凱恩斯主義為主的民粹政策，希望可以在短期內達到金融..

This paper explores the domestic institutional arrangements and relationships among key political and financial actors in the process of Thailand’s financial reform. Affected by the Asian 1997 financial crisis, the Chuan government adopted structural reform policies which were suggested by the IMF as a long-term solution. However, the Thaksin government which took office in 2001 adopted Keynesian and populist policies to stimulate economic growth and financial stability which focused on short term results. Whose policie..

本文屬於規範性的研究，在於提出個人對於國際永久和平的看法。本文分為六個部分。首先，對於歷史上曾經出現過的國際和平思想進程進行析論;其次，探討目前有無可能跳越「國家」這個長久存在的和平論述主體? 第三，嘗試解開和平論述的傳統面紗，將和平論述的主體從抽象的「國家」 轉移到更為實質的「政府」;第四，介紹「開放和平論」的理論基礎;第五，探究「開放政治市場」在歷史發展過程中曾經有過的若干實踐經驗及其意義;最後，則是對「開放政治市場」的內涵及實踐可行性表述。「開放政治市..

This article is normative in nature; it attempts to delineate the author’s view on international peace in six parts. It begins with a review of the development of international peace theory, and then advances to a discussion on the possibility of skipping the “state”—the long established subject in peace discourse—in our probing of the issue in point. The third part attempts to shift the abstract subject of the “state” in traditional peace discourse to a more substantial one of the &l..

本文主要從日本政治經濟結構當中非正式制度的轉變來探討 1990 年之後日本經濟衰退的主要原因。在過去分析日本經濟衰退的原因大多是從國際層次與國內層次兩個面向來分析，在國際層次方面包括自由化的衝擊與日圓的急遽升值;在國內層次方面則包括政府主導模式的失調與規制緩和的調控，而這些面向主要焦點都集中在國際化與自由化的轉變對日本國內政經制度的衝擊，而忽略日本國內制度轉型的重要性。本文認為在過去這些文獻探討大多集中在日本正式制度的調整，而忽視非正式制度的存在與轉變。本文..

The goal of this paper is to explore the roots of Japanese economic recession in the 1990s from the transition of informal institutions in Japan. In the past, analysis of the Japanese economic recession in the 1990s was used to the aspect of international dimension and domestic dimension; focuses on the formal institutions such as political reform, fiscal reform, administrational reform, and financial reform, and neglected the changes of informal institutions. The argument of this paper bases on the fact that Japan has reform..

1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞成為全球安全局勢最具挑戰的地區之一，強權在中亞的權力競逐亦日趨白熱化。對積極邁向世界強權的歐盟而言，中亞天然資源豐富又位居反恐戰略要衝地位，是兵家必爭之地，但受制於地緣政治因素，歐盟在中亞儼然還不是戰略玩家，其與中亞國家之關係迄今仍根據1999年生效的「夥伴暨合作協定」，缺乏一套完整的戰略規劃。2003年11月喬治亞爆發「玫瑰革命」，隨後又在前蘇聯地區引發連鎖效應，使歐盟在中亞的戰略再成討論議題。 本文主要係從歐盟「歐洲睦鄰政策」的面向切入，分別檢視歐..

Central Asia reemerged from the collapse of the USSR in 1991 as one of the political and security challenging regions, intensifying the struggle among competing powers. The region's natural resources and strategic importance on anti-terrorism are critical for EU striving to achieve a global great power. But restricted by geo-politics, EU has not become a strategic player in Central Asia. The only legal framework of EU-Central Asian bilateral relations was the “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” (PCA) since 1999, lacking ..