從 1950、60 年代受到政治學「行為主義革命」的影響，國際關係理論 開始嘗試建立科學的研究，「科學派」遂以「體系論」(system theory)進行 國際關係的理論化，國際關係的理論化也就成為國際體系的理論化。歷經 1960 年代只有少數國際關係學者關注國際體系理論的「相當低度發展的階 段」，1970 年代起逐漸有較多不同的學者都嘗試藉由其他學科(例如社會 學、生物學、控制學)學者的體系理論提出不同的「國際體系」理論化途 徑，1980 年代由新現實主義..

Following the behavioralism revolution of political science in the 1950– 60s, attempts for international relations(IR)theory to become scientific began with the theorization of IR through systems theory that engendered the theorization of international systems. Through an underdeveloped stage involved with only a few scholars in the 1960s, a contending stage with various approaches proposed in the 1970s, a dominated stage of neorealism in the 1980s, and to an opposite stage of constructivism and international historical..

本文以「邊緣性」(marginality)的概念，詮釋小國愛沙尼亞(Estonia)的安全政策。「邊緣性」兼具地緣政治、認同、權力關係等多重意涵，適合用以探討小國的安全政策。從此觀點來看，位居邊緣位置的小國，不必然總是受制於中心或大國主導的秩序;由於前者本身是構成秩序的一部分，它也具有影響中心的可能性。後冷戰時期的愛沙尼亞，在外交與安全政策上可說由俄羅斯轉向西方。在這個置換中心的過程中，它一方面向新的中心(北約與歐盟)表達向心力，積極參與其主導的秩序，另一方..

This paper attempts to (re)interpret Estonia’s security policy by adopting the concept of “marginality,” an idea that bears such elements as geopolitics, identity, size and power relations, and is therefore suitable for studying small states’ security policies. A small state located at the margin is not necessarily constrained by or subjected to the great power at the center, because as a constituent part of the very relationship, the margin always has certain potential to exert influence on the center..

歐洲歷經兩極體系瓦解與區域整合不斷推進的國際局勢，處在歐洲大陸的眾多國家各自發展出不同的安全策略、採取多種途徑保障本身國家安全，我們認為歐洲國家的安全策略選擇有其路徑可循，本文著重討論此種策略選擇的因素分析。在案例揀選上，本文特別著重歐洲中小型國家安全策略選擇，這主要是因為過去相當長的時間國際關係學多著重於大國安全研究，對中小型國家重視程度仍有待提升，因此本文擬從中小型國家著手，分析這一群國家安全策略選擇。 在安全策略選擇模式建立上，本..

The European continent has been free of great wars since the end of Cold War. This article assesses security studies in international relations by focusing on middle ground states’ strategic choices in relation to great powers. We argue that Small and Medium States(SMSs)widespread in Eastern Europe, Balkan Peninsula and South Caucasus have their strategic calculations in shaping their security choices. The article posits that the decision-making process of SMSs’ security policies rests upon differentiated and cros..

2015 年底，《公約》第 21 次締約方會議(巴黎會議)，經過為期兩週的談判之後，終於對全球氣候治理達成歷史性協議。《巴黎協議》被譽為是第一個真正的全球氣候協議，為 2020 年之後的全球溫室氣體減量工作提供明確規範。本文透過質性研究，就有關巴黎氣候談判的過程和巴黎協議的內容進行研究，以了解《巴黎協議》對全球氣候治理的意義和國際氣候談判的運作。本文研究發現，以自主減排取代一體適用的方式，以及歐盟、美國和中國這三大國際氣候強權的支持，是《巴黎協議》能夠順利完..

After two weeks of negotiation, the 2015 Paris Climate Conference (COP21)finally passed a new global climate agreement. The Paris Agreement(PA)is deemed as the first true global climate deal to date, principled upon policies to reduce Greenhouse gas emission after 2020. In order to understand meanings and effects of the COP21, as well as gaming of international climate negotiations, this paper adopts a qualitative research approach to analyze the processes of the COP21, and the contents of the PA. According to this research, ..

本文探討影響中美在中國沿海進行海域油氣勘探合作的主要變數。尼克森政府時期，中美開始海域油氣勘探上的接觸。改革開放與中美建交後，中國擴大與美國在海域油氣勘探上的合作。不過，中國和周邊國家存在領土與邊界爭議。北京威脅使用武力，對美國政府與石油公司產生影響。《聯合國海洋法公約》是另一個重要變數，特別是在蘇聯瓦解後。2008 年，中美開始進行有關投資保障協定的談判。一般而言，雙邊投資協定要求簽約國對外來投資者提供保護。2012 年，歐巴馬政府完成了美國投資保障協定範..

This article discusses major factors affecting offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the United States along China’s coast. Contact between the U.S. and China regarding offshore oil and natural gas exploration began in the Nixon Administration. After the reform and opening-up policy and the establishment of Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations, China expanded cooperation with the U.S. in offshore oil and natural gas exploration. However, there are existing territ..