隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙，歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」，並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上，歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響，已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義（Third Interregionalism）」發展；除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定，並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力，而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..

Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..

本文主要研究問題是:中國大陸對於衝突預防的原則性立場與態度為何?在身為當事國與第三方行為者兩種不同身分時，其在實踐上有何不同?本文藉由南蘇丹危機與南海衝突兩個案例分析中國大陸在衝突預防實踐上，面對事關自身主權與國家利益以及與自身主權無關之衝突事件時，在衝突預防作為上有何差異?其宣示與實際作為有何落差?此外，為何中 國大陸在南海議題上，會由堅持雙邊對話，轉變為也同意透過多邊機制，作為處理南海主權爭議途徑的立場與作為?在這樣的雙邊與多邊機制下，呈現出怎樣的「中國..

The main research questions of the paper are as follow: first of all, what are China’s position, attitude, and actions in conflict prevention, second question is what is the difference between China’s action and statement on the issue of the South China Sea dispute and the South Sudan Crisis when China is one of the parties who faces sovereignty and national interest, and as a third- party in the practice of conflict prevention. Third question is why China is willing to change her position from insisting bilateral..

當中國「對外直接投資」(Foreign Direct Investment，簡稱FDI)大幅湧入世界各國後，被投資國對於中國資金的質疑與恐懼也逐漸浮現，例如:歐洲各國擔憂中資入主後，將降低歐陸勞工的待遇;澳洲民眾與國會反對中資併購國內農場等。然而，上述恐慌卻與文獻資料分析存有歧異， 爬梳有關中國對外直接投資之於被投資國的影響等相關研究後發現，中國資金並未帶來「紅色政治」，且中資與其他國家投資的運作方式亦無明顯差異。雖然中資並未對被投資國產生預期的傷害和損失，..

While foreign direct investment (FDI) flows from China to other countries in the world, some recipients have shown their fear and question toward China’s investment. For instance, European countries are afraid of the degradation of labor and environmental standard after embracing investment from China to their industries;, while Australia’s public and media blame China’s investment on real estate for the rising housing price. However, after carefully reviewing discussions on each case in the literature, it c..

世界貿易組織的成立以及自由貿易協定(Free Trade Agreement)的締結，促成了全球貿易的自由化以及國際產業供應鏈的重整。然而，伴隨國際貿易自由化而產生的國際財富分配不均，以及發展中國家未能因貿易自由化獲益的問題，亦導致發展中國家和已開發國家之齟齬日漸加深。開發中國家因此擔憂國際貿易的自由化不但無法幫助其實現脫貧的目標，更可能如國際政治經濟學依賴理論(dependency theory)所描述，導致發展中國家成為已開發國家經濟成長的墊腳石。 ..

The World Trade Organization and proliferating free trade agreements (FTAs) have contributed to the liberalization of global trade and the shift of the international supply chain. Nevertheless, trade liberalization has also led to the conflict between developing nations and developed nations and has increased the former’s concerns about the negative impact of trade on development. Premised on the dependency theory, developing nations contend that increasing free trade could worsen their dependency on the developed marke..

東南亞在亞太政經體系中的重要性逐日提升，從而使得主要大國持續策畫新區域戰略，積極布局東南亞國家及社會，藉以強化自身的影響力。臺灣在 2016 年再次經歷政黨輪替，蔡英文總統啟動新南向政策作為建立臺灣與周邊區域全面連結的新戰略。新南向政策設定「以人為本」的主軸，除了重 新建構臺灣的區域定位，亦在經貿合作、人才交流、資源共享與區域鏈結等四個面向深耕臺灣與新南向區域、國家及社會的協力關係。本研究分別從制度與網絡兩個軸線分析新南向政策的進展:首先，在制度軸線方面，本..

The strategic importance of Southeast Asia is increasingly weighted in recent years among Asia-Pacific major powers and Taiwan. Since 2016, as Taiwan experienced another power transition, President Tsai Ing-Wen initiated the New Southbound Policy as her flagship strategy to link up Taiwan with neighboring countries. A people-centered rationale of the New Southbound Policy aims at reconstructing Taiwan’s regional identity, deepening its relation with regional countries and contributing to local societies. This paper disc..