權力與國家利益是國際政治研究的主要探討因素，也是國際關係學界戰後研究的起點，本文認為「權力」決定「國家利益」，進而限制「國家行為」的觀點 ，在國際人權規範下未必依舊是當代國際政治與國家行為的鐵律。從冷戰後國際社會的維持和平行動來看，有相當程度國家武力干預並非出於國家利益的動機，亦非與地緣戰略有關，而只是為了去維持國際社會的價值，一種強調人權價值、避免種族淨化的發生。這種國際社會的價值 (人性尊嚴、法治、民主) ，某種程度存有所謂規範制約權力的成分，強調權力的使用來自合法性，而這規範的形塑..

Power and national interest constitute an important research topic in the study of international politics, and can be seen as the starting point for the study of international relations in the post-war period. A number of scholars have asserted that “power” determines “national interest." Such a view, however, can result in an excessively restricted understanding of “national behavior," since the relationship between contemporary international politics and national behavior is not necessarily an ironclad on..

韓國財閥如現代、三星、LG，目前已是全球知名企業。他們的崛起與韓國政府的強烈支持有重大關係：政府支持財閥，分擔其投資分險、給予寡、獨占市場控制;財閥則回報政府以提供就業機會、賺取外匯、促進經濟成長。然而在此光明表象下，韓國政府與財閥間也有為人詬病的陰暗關係：政府官員收受財閥政治獻金及其他種種 「政治規費」，財閥則被回報以財經措施上的優惠。而隨著政治民主化，政府遭受國民逐漸上升的監督，要求政府和財閥的透明關係，並控制富可敵國的財閥。然而財閥則因經濟自由化而日益壯大，不再受制於政府的管控。韓..

Korean conglomerates, or chaebols in Korean, such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, are now familiar and global enterprises. However, the rising of chaebols was supported and often pushed by Korean government. For instance, government and chaebols shared investment risks and their aims to keep national market oligarchic or monopolistic, etc. Chaebols returned by creating employment opportunities， earning foreign exchanges, and driving economic development. But underneath the shining surface lies a dark and notorious side: for economic, financial, an..

針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係，對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策，試圖強化兩岸民間互動，促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流，自 2004 年以降，邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模，參與頗為熱絡，但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響，目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此，作者乃透過深度訪談，搭配以問卷分析，探討此類交流接觸經驗，能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現，參與此類活動後，台灣青年既有的刻板印象，產生相當顯著的變化，但若觸及深層..

To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..

國家機關(the State)是否利用國家資源干預市場(the Market)、國家機關是否應選擇某些特定產業加以扶植(selective policy)?這些投入資源是否能被有效達成發展的目的?是政治經濟學界有關「新古典經濟學派」與 「發展型國家學派」爭辯的焦點。在東協國家中，同樣自 1970 年代發展汽車產業，為何泰國與馬來西亞的汽車產業發展出現差距?差距是否源自國家機關與產業政策互動的結果?本研究藉由探討馬來西亞與泰國汽車產業的發展歷程，試圖比較與論證..

Whether should the state interfere the market by using state resources? Should the state cultivate certain industries? Does the state resources work to help the state achieve developmental goals? These are the arguments between the ‘New Classical Economics School’ and the ‘National Development School’. Automobile industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with governmental interference but the development in the two countries diverged. Does the difference come from the interactions..

本文觀察台灣與韓國發展過程的差異，對兩地金融危機形態以及金融重建進展的影響。兩國金融重建過程的差異受到危機形態的制約，這又受到之前發展形態的影響，亦即是否出現雙元經濟:同時存在一個面對軟預算的內需部門與一個面對硬預算的出口部門。韓國的金融危機，除了一開始的壞帳率較高之外，更包含外匯危機，另外出口重心的財閥負債淨值比高，而且很多是國際的借貸，產生急迫的壓力要採取結構性的改革措施以挽回市場的信心，不同面向改革工程在短時間內次第開展。雙元經濟的存在使台灣的金融危機..

This paper explores how patterns of development affect types of financial crises and financial restructuring by comparing the experiences of Taiwan and South Korea. With or without the presence of dual economy determines the nature of the financial crises, eventually affecting the scopes and paces of restructuring packages in the two countries. Dual economy in this context denotes the coexistence of an efficient exporting sector and an inefficient domestic sector. The financial crisis in South Korea involved high initial non-..