我國實務見解對於載貨證券仲裁條款，拘泥於當事人簽名與否，不符國際公約與英美法制，亦抵觸仲裁法。按仲裁法理，載貨證券載有仲裁條款，而未抵觸相關定型化契約規範時，透過載貨證券交付，構成當事人仲裁合意;海商法第 78 條允許運送關係當事人約定仲裁地與仲裁規則，並視為仲裁協議一部份，明文承認載貨證券仲裁條款效力。關於載貨證券引置傭船契約仲裁條款之效力，因仲裁法強調仲裁合意之彰顯，故引置條款未指明引用傭船契約仲裁條款者，應認為未形成仲裁合意;反之、若明確指向傭船契約仲..

Regarding the formality of arbitration clause on bills of lading, our judiciary opinions are insistent upon the signature requirement of the involving parties, which contradict not only the international conventions and the Anglo-American legislations, but also our Arbitration Law. Under the Arbitration Law, a bill of lading containing an arbitration clause that constitutes consent to arbitration by exchange of letter or other communications between parties if the rules for adhesive contract terms are satisfied. Article 78 of..

長期以來人類對於海洋生物資源的過度開發導致許多漁業資源日漸減少，甚至有瀕臨絕種之虞。因而為了實現漁業資源的永續開發，國際社會企圖從漁船的管理與海上漁業活動的規範兩方面著手建立有效的管理取締體系。本稿在於檢討公海漁業管理上船旗國所扮演之角色與功能，主要以探討權宜船管理與 「非法、未報告、未受規範漁業 (Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated Fishing, IUU Fishing)」之關係作為論述重點，並且進一步從強化船旗國義務的觀點，析論相關規範之有效性..

It is often mentioned that some fish stocks have been perched on the edge of extinction because of over-fishing and the lack of effective measures of fisheries management and conservation. In order to enable a sustainable development of fishery resources, international community tries to establish various management and enforcement measures against illegal fishing activities at seas. However, the effectiveness of some of these measures is frequently questioned and criticized such that nowadays the fishery issues and their countermeasures or..

國際憲政主義概念固然有待精確定義，但有關世貿規約憲政主義化的見解，已然成為國際法學界討論國際憲政主義概念的藍本。國際憲政主義概念的演化暨發展方向，可能影響到國際社會法律體系的建構，以及國家未來在國際社會所受到的司法制約程度。展望未來，世貿規約憲政主義化的經驗進程，是否會對國際法其它面向的法理論證造成影響，繼續將人權概念置入永績發展、國際環境保護、氣候變遷機制與海洋環境保育等議題的論證當中，並以人類社群整體福祉之極大化為前提，為沒有參與締約的第三方創造國際責任與義務，值得吾人深入並且持續的..

Despite debates addressed among constitutionalists, the concept of international constitutionalism has caused legal consequences to the sovereignty base of international law, and thus mutates the concept of the status of the states. Nowadays, trade scholarship is particularly preoccupied with questions of constitutionalism. The constitutionalization of WTO regulations has triggered a debate on the future of global constitutionalism. Some scholars of the International Public Law believe that WTO, as an institution of global governance, would..

本文從批判性地緣政治 ( critical geopolitics ) 的角度，藉由波士尼亞戰爭 ( 1992-1995 年 )此一案例，探討後冷戰時期美國的外交政策。深受國際關係後實證主義 ( post-positivism) 的影響，批判性地緣政治旨在問題化(problematize) 地緣政治的思想，主張地緣政治的基本元素，例如主權、領土、疆界、民族國家等，其意義不是既定的，而是社會實踐的結果。外交政策的功能之一，即是藉由賦予特定「他者」一個地緣政治的意義，建構或合理化國家的政策還..

This paper uses the approach of critical geopolitics to study the US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era, with the Bosnian war (1992-1995) being the empirical case. Influenced by the stream of post-positivism in International Relations (IR), critical geopolitics aims at problematizing traditional geopolitical thinking, holding that the meaning of concepts such as sovereignty, territory, boundary, nation-state, and so on, is not given and fixed, but is a construct of social practices. One function of foreign policy is thus to give an &ld..

權力與國家利益是國際政治研究的主要探討因素，也是國際關係學界戰後研究的起點，本文認為「權力」決定「國家利益」，進而限制「國家行為」的觀點 ，在國際人權規範下未必依舊是當代國際政治與國家行為的鐵律。從冷戰後國際社會的維持和平行動來看，有相當程度國家武力干預並非出於國家利益的動機，亦非與地緣戰略有關，而只是為了去維持國際社會的價值，一種強調人權價值、避免種族淨化的發生。這種國際社會的價值 (人性尊嚴、法治、民主) ，某種程度存有所謂規範制約權力的成分，強調權力的使用來自合法性，而這規範的形塑..

Power and national interest constitute an important research topic in the study of international politics, and can be seen as the starting point for the study of international relations in the post-war period. A number of scholars have asserted that “power” determines “national interest." Such a view, however, can result in an excessively restricted understanding of “national behavior," since the relationship between contemporary international politics and national behavior is not necessarily an ironclad on..