被視為冷戰時期中最危險的古巴飛彈危機事件，持續吸引學者的研究興趣長達近半個世紀。特別是Kennedy白宮錄音帶此新證據之解密，對研究者而言呈現出重要的洞見暨困惑。儘管如此，鮮少研究透過外交信息傳遞之面向來探究此一歷史事件。信息傳遞此一針對國際危機解決之途徑認為，當面對國際衝突時，國家會傳達其對手具外交標的之「語言」與 「非語言」信息。就某種意義而論，決策者釋出之每一個信息與反信息，均意謂其自身策略性之意圖與關乎對手信息之反應。本文透過國際情境、菁英決策，以及外交信息傳遞等三個面向，針對古..

The Cuban Missile Crisis, one of the most dangerous events of the Cold War, has continued to attract academic attention for almost half a century, especially with the release of new evidence in the Kennedy tapes that presents researchers with insights as well as puzzles. Nevertheless, few, if any, studies have explored this historic event from a diplomatic signaling perspective. The signaling approach to international crisis resolution posits that in the face of international conflicts, a state disseminates verbal and/or nonverbal signals, ..

本文透過評估群眾對民主鞏固概念的認知程度，探討臺灣與東亞民主國家其人民如何形塑民主鞏固的價值體系，並比較各國之間的差異性，同時討論影響臺灣民主體制評價較低的主要原因為何。本文以影響因素的不一致性，來解釋臺灣民主評價指標表現不佳的情況，並進行臺灣與其他東亞國家的比較，針對影響壹灣民主鞏固的政治與經濟因素作用是否與其他東亞國家有所不同進行分析。在研究方法上，本文運用分量迴歸分析各國政體表現對民主鞏固評價的影響性，是否隨民主鞏固程度而有所改變，進而分析影響臺灣與東亞各國民主評價的主要因素為經濟..

Based on the evaluation of the public's degree of cognition toward the concept of democratic consolidation, this study aims to explore how the value system of democratic consolidation was shaped by the citizens of Taiwan and other countries in East Asia and compare the differences among them. This study conducts the empirical tests using the Quantile Regression Model and analyzes the impact of the sampled governments' performance on the assessment of democratic consolidation and that whether such an impact will change with the degre..

現有國際關係研究對於霸權主導國際制度已有一定之發現，不過對崛起強權參與建構國際制度的行為傾向，則附屬於霸權的相關討論，而未獲得一定之重視。霸權論一般認為，崛起強權在未發生霸權戰爭前，只能被迫遵循霸權主導 下的國際制度，唯有在崛起強權取得霸權地位之後，方能展示是創建國際制度的領導能力。霸權論由相對物質權力層面探索的崛起強權描述，僅能凸顯霸權戰爭的爆發，未必能勾勒出崛起強權的全面行為，亦未能解釋霸權繼承者的條件。 發生霸權更迭之前，並非沒有發生崛起強權參與建構國際制度的案例，例如德意..

The exploration of the rising power has been subordinated to the arguments of hegemony and revisionist states. The Hegemonic Stability Theory and Power Transfer Theory have argued that the rising power has to follow international instructions set according to the hegemonic interests before the break out of hegemony war through which the rising power revolts the status quo hegemon. This approach might describe the reasons of hegemonic war; however, it might not be able to explain the overall behavior patterns of rising power in the construct..

1648 年西發里亞條約簽訂後，「領土律令」成為主權國家的一項基本原理。 可是，像泰國這樣的東南亞國家，在劃定政治空間以後，卻未能完全地控制邊界。在邊界地帶，中央政府的政治權力相當虛弱，而且，容易遭遇挑戰。冷戰時期，泰國政府因認知到共產主義威脅，而將邊界地帶的高山民族納入國家統合的議程中。為有效地對邊界地帶的高山民族進行統治，且主張統治的正當性，泰國官方創造出一套關於高山民族的論述體系，使得「山民」成為泰國北部高山民族的一種身分織別的負面標籤。泰國政府持續地把焦點放在「山民問題」的解決，..

Since 1648, territorial imperative has become a basic principle of the modern sovereign nation-state system. With the emergence of modern nation-states in peninsular Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era， however, those states' writ still fails to extend to the borderland. During the Cold War period, the central government of Thailand perceived Communism as a threat to Southeast Asia, thus necessary to integrate the highlanders into a territorially bounded nation. For effective ruling， the term chao khao (hill tribe peoples ) was used..

本文主要是補充論述日本新選舉制度與自民黨走向集權化的關係。既有研究指出，在新選舉制度下，日本自民黨的派閥勢力逐漸地瓦解，從政治過程的觀察中，同時顯示出自民黨派閥的影響力確實也在消退中。本文發現，自民黨在新選舉制度下，依然維持「現任者優先」的提名策略，而「現任者優先」卻具有默認既存派閥勢力的意味。就此而言，派閥勢力應該保有足夠的生存空間，又為何會在新選舉制度下逐漸消退呢 ? 本文擬從候選人在新選舉制度下的「趨中現象」、「政權公約」的黨中央主導、重複提名的設計與比例的提高，以及 「七十三歲屆..

The main purpose of this paper is to further elaborate on the relationship between Japan's new electoral system and augmentation of power in the LDP central committee. The existing studies pointed out that the newly-reformed electoral system in Japan leads to a gradual decline of factions within the LDP while the actual power of the LDP central committee was elevated. However, this paper argues that if LDP's nomination process in the new electoral system still complies with the principle of “incumbents first," which w..