本文檢視在後冷戰時代石油美元機制對美國霸權之影響，並關注美國領導地位在 1991 年波灣、2003 年伊拉克與 2011 年利比亞等戰爭中的角色。在處理國際事務中，美國霸權逐漸採行單邊行動，因而產生合法性危機之質疑。因此自 1990 年以來，美國便宣稱願意承擔昂貴之經濟成本與犧牲其國家之利益，以便與他國建立聯盟共同對抗流氓國家之威脅。美國能以維繫穩定之國際經濟秩序，與贏得反恐作戰之合法性名義發動先制戰爭。為了理解這一看似非理性之行為，根基於 Pierre B..

This paper explores the impact of petrodollar mechanism on the hegemony of the United States in the post-Cold War era. It particularly focuses on the two wars against Iraq respectively in 1991 and in 2003 and the Libyan war in 2011, all under the leadership of the U.S. The U.S. hegemony has been experiencing a legitimacy crisis caused by its increasing tendency towards unilateral actions in international affairs. In order to form alliances among Western nations to confront the rogue states, the U.S. government has demonstrate..

本文主要的目的是探討戰略文化研究在國際關係領域中的發展與理論定位之相關問題。國際關係戰略文化研究乃源自於軍事歷史學者對國家戰爭方式與作戰傳統之探討，並開始蓬勃發展於 1970 年代的冷戰時期。在社會科學國際關係研究領域中，戰略文化的研究方向是企圖在以物質為基礎的現實主義論述外，強調從文化意念與歷史途徑的角度，探討國家行為者在國際環境中的戰略行為模式根源。目前，西方關於戰略文化研究的文獻相當多，但在這豐富的文獻中迄今仍尚未產生一個共同而且被接受的戰略文化概念，..

This paper seeks to explore the development of strategic culture in the field of international relations by highlighting the problem of its theoretical orientation. The research of IR strategic culture stemmed from the research of traditional ways of war by many military-historical scholars and started to emerge since the 1970s. The main research purpose of strategic culture is trying to look at the ideational origin of state behavior in the international environment by taking the perspective of culture under the dominance of..

國際政治經濟學(簡稱國政經)自 70 年代開始發展以來，不僅呈現出理論(自由主義、重商主義與馬克思主義)與研究途徑(理性主義與反思主 義)的競逐，同時也有美國(American School)與不列顛學派(British School)間關於學科定位、研究議題與方法論上的差別。本文主要目的在於從三個面向來介紹及探討國政經的不列顛學派:一、為何該學派被稱為 British School?與國際關係英國學派(English School)有何差別?二、不列顛學派..

Since the 1970s, the International Political Economy(IPE)has explored various research methodologies and methods. However, the disciplinary boundary of IPE is still controversial. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the British School of IPE from three dimensions. First, why is this school called “British?” Are there differences between the British School and the English School of international relations? Secondly, British School scholars prefer to call this new discipline the” Global Political Ec..

在解放軍發展反介入/區域拒止戰力的背景下，美國近期出現了「海空戰」作戰概念的倡議。此一作戰概念的內容堪稱完整而全面，也提出許多值得美軍採納的建議，但缺失也同樣明顯。其概念中的兩個作戰構想，深入中國大陸上空的空襲，與侵入第一島鏈之內的反潛作戰，都是執行困難且徒勞無功，更帶來沒有必要的升高風險，因而得不償失。其實，美國及其區域盟邦只要發展類似的反介入/區域拒止戰力，即可對解放軍可能的侵略與強制構成強大的抵抗力。  

People’s Liberation Army is developing its anti-access/area-denial capabilities to offset U.S. military presence in the West Pacific. In response, the operational concept of the “AirSea Battle” is currently being put forward in the United States. However, useful recommendations notwithstanding, both of its two core ideas - deep strike over Chinese mainland and anti- submarine warfare within first island chain - are difficult, futile, and contenting unnecessary risks of escalation. In fact, the United States ..

本文檢視全世界民主國家在不同總統與國會選制的搭配組合下，政黨體系有何不同。本文發現，就國會選制而言，國會選舉採比例代表制的國家， 其國會有效政黨數在整體上明顯多於國會選舉採單一選區相對多數制的國家;而不論是國會選舉採比例代表制或是採單一選區相對多數制的國家，有總統直選制度之國家的國會有效政黨數，明顯少於無總統直選制度的國家。 進一步言，在國會選舉採比例代表制的國家中，若總統選舉採相對多數制，其國會有效政黨數會少於總統選舉採兩輪決選制的國家;不過，在國會選舉採..

This study comprehensively observes the party system under different collocations of presidential and parliamentary electoral system in democracies all over the world. Regarding parliamentary electoral system, it is found that the effective number of parliamentary parties in the countries adopting proportional representation system(PR), overall, is apparently larger than that in countries adopting plurality with single-member-district system(SMD), and that in countries holding direct presidential elections is clearly smaller ..