各期期刊 All issues

初探新興金融監理制度之擴散:以監理沙盒為例
Examining the Diffusion of Emerging Financial Regulatory Regimes: The Case of Regulatory Sandbox
陳秉逵 (Ping-kuei Chen) 臧正運 (Cheng-yun Tsang)
60卷2期(2021/06/01)

近年來,金融科技的興起帶來創新的金融服務並衝擊現有的監理方式。有些國家採取觀望的策略;有些國家則採取修改法律、推出新的執照制度甚或實驗型的監理模式。自2015年英國提出金融監理沙盒(Regulatory Sandbox)制度以來,許多國家陸續跟進,以監理沙盒實驗作為探索風險、重思監理疆界,並協助金融創新落地發展的措施。監理沙盒堪稱近年來擴散速度最快、影響最為深遠的一種新興金融監理制度。本文探究導致各國相繼採行金融監理沙盒制度的原因,並找出該制度在各國擴散的主要影響因子。藉由量化分析,本研..

In recent years, the rise of Fintech has introduced innovative financial services and has brought a significant impact on the existing financial regulatory frameworks. Financial regulators in different countries deal with the challenges in different ways: some adopt a “wait and see” strategy, in which they do not enact new regulatory institutions. Some countries take a more active approach through revision of laws, issuing new licenses, and adopting an experimental regulatory mechanism. Since the United Kingdom announced the fin..

半總統制下的立法課責:臺灣與法國國會制度面的比較研究
Legislative Accountability under Semi- presidentialism: An Institutional Comparison between Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan and French National Assembly
陳月卿 (Yueh-ching Chen) 廖達琪 (Da-chi Liao)
60卷1期(2021/03/01)

本文探討半總統制下的立法課責,以臺灣與法國為個案進行比較研究。「立法課責」指如何讓立法者(集體或個別)的所作所為能為利害關係人知道,而據以獎懲。過去比較臺、法的研究發現,總理總統制的法國,國會的運作型態較偏內閣制;總統議會制的臺灣,運作則較偏總統制,因而在傳統印象上,多會認為法國會較重視以政黨為對象的集體課責,臺灣則可能較偏重以候選人或立委為對象的個別課責。   本文乃透過制度規範上對選舉前與選舉後的資訊公開要求,比較臺灣與法國在集體課責與個別課..

This paper explores the legislative accountability under semi- presidentialism and uses the case study approach to compare Taiwan with France. “Legislative accountability” refers to how the actions of legislators (collectively or individually) can be known to interested parties, and how rewards and punishments can be used accordingly. The literature comparing Taiwan and France in the past found that the parliamentary operation of the French premier-presidential system is most similar to a cabinet system; whereas Taiwan’s p..

從政治不正確到政治正確: 波蘭右翼反難民(移民)論述的挑戰
From Political Incorrectness to Political Correctness: Challenges Faced by the Anti- Refugee/Immigration Discourses of Political Right Wings in Poland
林政宜 (Cheng-yi Lin) 王孟平 (Meng-ping Wang) 張世強 (Shih-chiang Chang)
60卷1期(2021/03/01)

自從1989年共黨統治垮台之後,波蘭曾被視為前東歐共黨集團國家中最為成功的民主轉型和歐洲整合範例;然而,2015年「歐洲難民危機」 爆發之後,在「法律與公正黨」(PiS)領銜之下,伴隨著基進的反難民(移民)言論,卻為波蘭點燃前所未見的右翼狂潮,不僅已經成為二戰法西斯主義之後最顯眼的政治現象,也為現代西方自由民主政體制度帶來嚴峻的挑戰。從一個較為廣泛的波蘭脈絡出發,本文將從政治、文化和歷史三個面向,剖析難民危機安全化、基進反難民(移民)論述和今日政治右翼霸權(..

Since the fall of Communism in 1989, Poland has once been viewed as the most successful example of the democratic transition and European integration among former Eastern bloc nations. In the wake of 2015’s refugee crisis, however, a full-outbreak of Poland’s political right-wing movement with their radical anti-refugee/immigrant rhetoric, led by ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS), has already become the most striking political phenomenon in Europe since WWII’s fascism and posed a comprehensive challenge to..

教會自主與國族建構: 烏克蘭東正教會的「獨立」進程
Autonomy of the Church and Nation-Building: On the Process of Independence of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine
趙竹成 (Zhu-cheng Zhao)
60卷1期(2021/03/01)

在國族形塑過程中,各種原生條件,如共同歷史記憶、語言、文化、宗教信仰等,扮演著重要角色。烏克蘭在擺脫俄羅斯影響,重塑其國家主體性的歷史進程中,耗費漫長的時間在教會自主-脫離莫斯科的管理,成為真正的民族教會。但就東正教會的角度來看,一個民族國家教會的獨立不僅只是個別國家的問題,還牽涉到普世東正教會的教法傳統,這也涉及到東正教關於教會與國家關係的認知。此外,烏克蘭正教會的獨立又牽涉到兩個無法迴避的議題:烏克蘭信眾對於教會歸屬的認同以及莫斯科教會的立場和影響力。本文以烏克蘭正教會獨立為核心,討..

During the process of building a nation, various original conditions, such as common historical memory, language, culture, religious beliefs, etc., play an important role. In the history of integration of Ukrainian statehood, the most important events are the independence of the Ukrainian Church, where it separated from Moscow’s rule and the creation of a national Church. However, from the position of the Ecumenical Orthodox Church, this topic not only touches state policy, but also the Church tradition, which has a connection with th..

論世界貿易組織上訴機構之改革: 美國立場與歐洲聯盟應對方案之評析
On the Reform of the WTO Appellate Body: An Assessment of the United States’ Position and the European Union’s Proposals
李貴英 (Catherine Li)
60卷1期(2021/03/01)

WTO爭端解決機制一向被譽為皇冠上之珍珠,如今上訴機構陷入停擺危機,反而成為皇冠上之荊棘。過去數年來,美國運用WTO所要求之共識,屢次反對上訴機構成員之選任案,尤其是川普政府上台後更加強杯葛之力道。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書之規定,上訴案件最少由三名成員審理並作成裁決。然而2019年12月10日之後,上訴機構已無法正常運作。長期以來美國對上訴機構提出許多批評,包括系統性、實質性與程序性問題;反之,許多WTO會員則急於補實懸缺,而疏於處理美國關切之事項。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書第3...

The dispute settlement system, often considered as the “crown jewel” of the WTO, is in a present crisis and becomes the crown of thorns. Over the past years, the United States through the use of the WTO’s consensus requirements has successfully blocked the launch of a process to select the Appellate Body members. This is carried forward by the Trump administration. With a Settlement of Disputes Understanding (DSU) requirement that appeals be heard by three AB members, with the AB membership down to zero at the present time..

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