各期期刊 All issues

歐盟對中國洽談投資協定之研究
The EU-China Investment Agreement Negotiation
洪德欽(Der-chin Hong)張華維(Hua-wei Chang)
即將出版
58卷1期(2019/03/01)

投資在歐盟與中國經貿關係,扮演一項重要角色。2009年12月1日《里斯本條約》生效後,歐盟共同貿易政策已涵蓋投資,使歐盟取得投資政策與投資談判之專屬職權。歐盟於2011年成為中國第一大貿易夥伴,與中國建立全面戰略夥伴關係。歐盟因此積極推動與中國的雙邊投資協定談判,以單一聲音,提高談判地位,期待簽署一項全面性投資協定。中國乃歐盟第一個對外投資協定談判之對象,歐盟又採取高標準投資保障談判策略。歐盟與中國雙邊投資協定談判除了影響歐中經貿關係之外,也將形塑國際投資規..

Investment plays a key role in EU-China trade relations. Since the Lisbon Treaty came into effect on December 1, 2009, the EU’s common commercial policy has extended to investment. Accordingly, the EU has exclusive compe- tence covering investment policy and its negotiation with third countries. Not to mention, the EU has become the main trading partner of China since 2011 because it identifies China as a strategic partner, as well as a targeting country with which to negotiate a high-standard bilateral investment agree..

金正恩時期中朝關係的合作與衝突:以國家利益觀點分析
Cooperation and Conflict of Relations between China and North Korea in Kim Jong-Un Era: A National Interest Perspective
河凡植(Bum-sig Ha)
即將出版
57卷4期(2018/12/01)

本研究目的在於,從中國與北韓的國家利益角度,分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景,進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來,由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策,使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言,穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此,金正恩上台之後,繼承金正日的「先軍政治」,持續研發軍事科技,進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆,採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」,以凝聚國內團結,且處決危及金..

The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..

從「嚇阻理論」與「螺旋模式」檢視北韓第四次至第六次核試爆之間的美朝戰略互動
Analyzing the Strategic Interactions between U.S. and North Korea from the 4th to the 6th Nuclear Weapon Test by DPRK via Deterrence Theory and Spiral Model
馬準威(Chun-Wei Ma)
即將出版
57卷4期(2018/12/01)

2016 年 1 月 6 日北韓進行第四次核試爆至 2017 年 9 月 3 日進行第六次核試爆,是北韓史上最密集發展核武及遠端投射能力的時期,這使美朝關係因此陷入年金正恩掌權以來最危險的時刻,雙方開戰傳言不斷。本文回顧這段期間的美朝戰略互動,發現雙方關係較貼近「螺旋模式」而非「嚇阻理論」假設。據此,若美朝對彼此「認知(perception)」無法調整,則雙方將因自我的不安全感無法解除,使對峙局面持續。而美朝關係能否走向緩解,關鍵不在美朝..

From January 6, 2016 to September 3, 2017, North Korea has executed three times of nuclear weapon testing, marking the highest frequency of testing in its history. As a result, this tension later built up the worst time of U.S.-North Korea relations after Kim Jong-un ruled the country. Because of this tension, there are a large number of reports that predict the U.S. will fight North Korea at any time. This research reviews the strategic interactions between U.S. and North Korea during that period, and then argues that the si..

緬甸在地非政府組織對少數民族的援助:以克欽族為例
The Assistance of Domestic NGOs to Minorities in Myanmar: A Case Study of the Kachin
司徒宇(Yu Szu-Tu)
即將出版
57卷4期(2018/12/01)

就非政府組織的「運作規模」而言,可將其分為「國際」與「在地」的非政府組織。面對緬甸相關問題,儘管國際非政府組織擁有專業與資源上的優勢,卻也有無能為力之時,必須搭配在地非政府組織的力量,甚至形成合作關係,方能更有效率地完成任務。有鑑於在地非政府組織對緬甸的重要性,本文由長期遭受緬甸政府忽視的「少數民族偏鄉發展」議題切入,並以「湄他發展基金會」、「沙龍基金會」與「人民亮光」等從事「克欽族」援助起家的在地非政府組織為例,詳述在地非政府組織與緬甸克欽族的互動情形,及..

The “scale of operations” of non-governmental organizations can be divided into either “international” or “domestic.” When dealing with problems in Myanmar, although international non-governmental organizations may hold advantages due to their professionalism and available resources; however, there are still situations where they may feel helpless and will need to rely on the help of other domestic non-governmental organizations or even form a collaborative alliance with them to carry out t..

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