歐盟在與第三國/區域簽訂貿易或投資協定時，因為其市場吸引力，而得以將帶有歐盟價值的規範性議程納入協定中，以實踐自身外交政策的目標。此「規範性權力(normative power)」論述在學界已有廣泛的討論。實務上，歐盟的規範性權力亦不斷透過各種不同的管道，在不同的地區和領域內發揮影響力。歐盟自2013年10月開始，與中國大陸進行全面投資協定(Comprehensive Agreement on Investment，簡稱CAI)談判，目前已完成了第35輪的談..

The European Union (EU) has well utilized its market attraction to bring European value based normative agenda into trade or investment agreement negotiations with third country/region, in order to achieve its own foreign policy objectives. This “normative power” theory has had wide discussion among academics. In practice, EU’s normative power has also continuously expanded its influence in different areas via various channels. Since October 2013, EU and China have begun the negotiations on the Comprehensive..

克赤海峽為連接黑海與亞速海(Sea of Azov)的唯一通道，海峽通行權不管是對俄羅斯或烏克蘭或第三國都不曾發生重大問題，隨著2014年俄羅斯兼併克里米亞半島，2015年俄羅斯重啟克里米亞大橋建設後才衍生出通行權問題。然反觀臺灣海峽為連接東海與南海的海上交通要道，近來每當美國及他國軍艦通過臺灣海峽時，中國大陸軍艦即尾隨或驅離，對海峽通行權造成若干程度的影響，也提高了發生擦槍走火的可能性。2018年11月25日克赤海峽所發生的衝突事件對臺灣海峽通行權問題的啟..

The Kerch Strait connecting the Sea of Azov to the Black Sea is the only route in and out of the Sea of Azov. Passages through the strait had been free of major issues until 2014 when Russia occupied Crimea, pushing out Ukraine; thereby controlling both sides of the strait and began quickly constructing a bridge spanning the strait. In East Asia, there is the Taiwan Strait that connects the East China Sea to the South China Sea. Unlike the Kerch Strait, the Strait of Taiwan is a significant international sea route. Recently U..

政黨政治向來為研究憲政運作、民主深化的核心議題。過往的研究，多將政黨政治視為影響憲政與民主的自變項，但憲政特性以及民主轉型的過程，也可能系統性的影響政黨體系，對於政黨體系變遷的規模、機率，存在一定的關連性。基於此，本文以政黨體系變遷為依變數，從制度特性以及民主化背景來觀察政黨體系變遷的特性。核心假設有三：首先，就制度特性而言，直選總統的國家，比起議會內閣制的國家，政黨體系變遷的機率較高、規模較大；第二，以選舉時程而言，也是制度面向的因素，在直選總統的國家中，同時選舉或蜜月選舉，因為總統衣..

Party politics is an important issue to explain the constitutional work and consolidation of a democracy, and especially for newly democracies. If the party system would be affected by different types of constitutional systems and historical legacy, the party system should also be changed. We have three hypotheses: first, we suppose those countries with a directly elected president will have a higher probability for party system change. And the smaller parties are more likely out of parliament. Second, based on the coattail effect, countrie..

本文試圖深入分析私權威的概念，並評析近期學界對於自願性全球標準的研究成果。本文認為，私權威的概念能對全球治理研究提供兩項重要貢獻:首先，私權威的概念挑戰了強調國際無政府狀態的傳統觀點以及以國家為中心的研究途徑。其次，私權威的概念有助於研究者以行為者導向的途徑來解釋全球治理中的變異現象。以私權威的概念作為基礎，本文疏 理了自願性全球標準的發展情勢，並以氣候債券倡議組織作為關鍵個案，評析自願性全球標準的三個研究方向:自願性全球標準的形成、自願性全球標準在形式上的變異，以及自願性全球標準的成效..

This article examines the concept of private authority and the current studies of voluntary global standards. This article argues that the concept of private authority can contribute to the study of global governance in two ways. First, the concept of private authority challenges the traditional views of international anarchy and the state-center approach. Second, the concept of private authority provides the foundation for the actor-oriented approach to explain the variation in global governance. Based on the concept of private authority, ..

拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型，在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷，本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎，運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡，則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言，本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..

The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..