國際關係理論的第三次大辯論中，廣為人知的是(新)自由主義與 (新)現實主義的辯論，較少為人關注的是實證主義與後實證主義之間的後設理論爭論，以及因此引發的後設理論研究爭議。後實證主義質疑既有國際關係理論的本體與知識基礎，更使國際關係學者質疑到底後設理論研究是否有助於國際關係理論與實務的研究。後實證主義關注的是後設理論層次而非實質理論層次，後設理論是(國際關係)理論的理論(a theory of theory)或是有關(國際關係)理論的理論(a theory a..

In the third Great Debate in International Relations, the debate between (Neo)Realism and(Neo)Liberalism has been well known; whereas the metatheoretical debate between Positivism and Postpositivism have been ignored. Postpositivism questioned the ontological and epistemological foundations of the established International Relations theory. It has caused the scholars to wonder whether metatheoretical researches exert positive incluences on theories and practices of International Relations. Postpositivism is concerned with the..

本文主張新古典現實主義不宜再度檢視國內層次的眾多因素與變項，而應從實然的角度來思考國家如何評估威脅、國家如何選擇外交政策的類型。本文說明新古典現實主義並非為解決異例(anomaly)誕生，而是將非體系與理念因素納入體系理論的邏輯之中，也就是將國內層次因素解讀為決策者對壓力的反應類型，亦即決策者會評估並判斷應採取何種類型之外交政策。而根據決策者對國際壓力的知覺(perception)，以及對於國內政治的評估 (calculation)，本文整理出國家具有制衡、..

This article criticizes the inappropriateness of neoclassical realism in evaluating factors and variables at the domestic level. Instead, the manner of which states assess threats and choose types of foreign policy should be based on empirical methods. The authors explain that neoclassical realism is not a result of solving anomaly but that it combines non-structural and ideational factors into the logic of the system theory. Factors at the domestic level are supposed to be systematically categorized and simplified by types o..

1970 年代研究三角關係的專家塔圖(Michel Tatu)指出，美、中、蘇 「三者之一欲激起另兩方同謀之必然方式，為展現過度侵略性」。本文以塔圖之分析，探討 1979 年以來美臺軍事、政治與經貿關係之演變。由過去美、中、臺三角關係之互動，可以看出以下的特性:(1)中國對臺有過度侵略性的舉止，如 1996 年臺海危機，美國主動強化美臺軍事關係，增加美臺合作的空間;(2)在中國壓力下，國際組織有過度的舉止，如 2007 年聯合國秘書長潘基文謬誤解讀臺灣地位，..

Michel Tatu, an expert on US-China-USSR relations, observed in 1970 that “the surest way for any of the three to provoke the other two into collusion is to display undue aggressiveness.” This study analyses US- Taiwan relations in light of Tatu’s assumption. The interactions of US- Taiwan-China relations since 1979 are marked by the following features: (1)When China acts with undue aggressiveness against Taiwan – as for example in the 1996 missile crisis which prompted the US to dispatch two aircraft c..

半總統制的設計，通常有一民選的總統及民選產生的國會;在此體制下，由於總統與國會雙元選舉的實施，國會理論上比一般單元選舉的內閣制 要有更強的監督制衡力量。但這種體制下的國會是否具備優於內閣制的監督能量，則在文獻上甚少探討，也成為本研究的最初動機。本文試著比較兩個半總統制的國家-臺灣與法國，並從較傳統的制度面切入，來探究兩國在制度設計安排上，賦予國會的監督潛能為何。這裡的制度設計安排，主要包括憲法及相關法規中賦予國會、委員會及個別議員的權力和資源配備;以及目前國..

The so-called semi-presidentialism designs a system that popularly elects both the president and the parliament. Under the dual-election design, the parliament theoretically should own more check and balance power than a parliament that gives rise to the cabinet. However, whether the parliament under semi-presidentialism in practice is indeed equipped with more oversight capacity than that of a cabinet system’s parliament has been rarely studied in prior literature. This paper tries to study this theoretically inte..

近年來層出不窮的天然巨災嚴重挑戰了國家的緊急災害治理能力，這也使得學界與政策社群開始高度關切國際災害治理或跨部門災害治理模式的研究。不過，相關知識生產方式大多以政策報告或技術報告呈現，較少側重於理論化的探討。就此，本文將以國際救災與減災社群的建構與協作過程為關懷，試圖理論化國際介入、國家回應與公民參與之間的協力連結，並且類型化國際、國家與地方行為者的共同治理模式。同時，藉由回顧東日本大地震的國際救災經驗，本文亦將進一步分析全球災害救援與減災網絡的機會與限制。..

Natural disastrous hazards occurred frequently in recent years, seriously challenging the state capacity of emergency governance. Accordingly, attention has been attracted to the study of disaster governance with specific focus on modalities of inter-state and inter-sectoral cooperation. Though there are piles of policy reports and technique reports concerning disaster governance, only few of them are with theoretical features. This article is aimed at theorizing the construction and collaboration of international relief and ..