本文主要的目的在於爬梳社會科學方法論中因果機制分析的發展和演進，並進一步評估政治學研究中如何運用因果機制來進行解釋以及討論相關的解釋效力的問題。本文將具體評析政治學國際關係領域中民主和平論之論點，以此來衡量政治學運用因果機制解釋的優勢和侷限。因果機制研究層面上，本文聚焦在機制的定義和類型、機制的觀察性、因果機制與因果關係、法則和中介變數的差異、機制的層次、機制的運作和測量、機制的路徑圖。因果機制運用層面上，本文側重於民主和平論的源起和演進、 民主和平論的重要論述、對於民主和平論的挑戰以及..

The main purpose of this paper is to parse out the development and evolution of causal mechanism and to further evaluate how political research adopts the method of causal mechanism to explain and discuss the explanatory effect in the field of qualitative methods. Our focus is to shed light on the causal mechanism of democratic peace theory in the field of international relations and to gauge its advantages and restraints. On the dimension of causal mechanism, this paper focuses on the definition of mechanism, observation of causal mechanis..

本文目的在探究委內瑞拉查維茲總統執政期間，以國家力量打造的國有糧食生產體系與相關制度，為何以及如何導致委內瑞拉走向更仰賴糧食進口，並於國際石油價格崩跌之後陷入嚴重的物資「短缺」。   本文從制度論出發，制度互補作為分析架構，並結合國家角色與國家結盟進行分析，目的在探究2001~2013年間查維茲總統在「糧食主權」和 「二十一世紀社會主義國家轉型」政策框架下啟動的一系列糧食與農業政策，包括:土地改革與再分配、糧食市場銷售計劃、食品加工與零售部門國有化，以及價格和匯..

The paper examines the Venezuelan food and agricultural policies imposed by ex-President Hugo Chávez during 2001-2013 in order to explore why and how Venezuela became heavily reliant on food importation and eventually led to severe food shortage in 2014 when oil price collapsed.   The research uses institutionalism and institutional complementarity as analytical framework, aiming at exploring how a series of food and agricultural policies, namely, land reform, price and exchange control, and nationalization of agroindustry sec..

「第三屆聯合國海洋法會議」係迄今為止，聯合國所召開時間最長且規模最大的一次國際立法會議，部分學者將此會議的成功，歸因於「包裹交易」或「大國政治」的折衝。本文援引社會學領域的相關討論，使用 「意義框架」取代溫特的「共享概念」，對國際關係領域中的國際會議決策制定提出分析架構與可操作的觀察指標。此分析架構中的意義框架與行 為體行為兩者互為因果，處於一種動態的建構關係，而「共同期待」係為兩者的中介，若符合期待，兩者便趨於穩定;反之，則面臨調整。本文透過自1930年「國際法編纂會議」到1982年「..

The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) might be the largest and longest international law codification conference thus far. Some scholars attribute the success of this conference to the “package deal” or “great power politics.” This paper adopts the view of constructivism and cites relevant discussions in the field of sociology and replaces Wendt’s “shared ideas” with “meaning framework” for proposing a new analysis framework with operational indicators fo..

近年來，隨著歐盟和北約組織的東擴與俄國的再度興起，位處西方民主國家與俄國之間「地緣斷層線」上的中東歐國家對俄國「抗衡或扈從」 的議題又再度浮上檯面。相關文獻指出，中、小國家與大國之間的利益相似程度，是決定其對該大國選擇「抗衡或扈從」關係的關鍵前提條件，據此，本文探討在這個「地緣斷層線」上16個曾具有相似背景的前「東方集團」的中東歐國家與俄國之間在外交政策利益相似程度上的變化。以近年來在各國所發生的事件為基礎，本文發現，經濟危機和民主退化的問題， 在近年來開始威脅著這些中東歐國家的傳統政黨..

Due to the eastern expansion of EU and NATO and the resurgence of Russia under Putin’s leadership, how the Central and Eastern European fault line states chose between balancing and bandwagoning toward Russia has become a salient issue in contemporary international relations studies. This article investigates changes in the degree of policy similarity between 16 former “Eastern Bloc” Central and Eastern European States and Russia. The rationale for this study is that previous studies demonstrated that this issue is the key..

本文主要研究問題是:中國大陸對於衝突預防的原則性立場與態度為何?在身為當事國與第三方行為者兩種不同身分時，其在實踐上有何不同?本文藉由南蘇丹危機與南海衝突兩個案例分析中國大陸在衝突預防實踐上，面對事關自身主權與國家利益以及與自身主權無關之衝突事件時，在衝突預防作為上有何差異?其宣示與實際作為有何落差?此外，為何中 國大陸在南海議題上，會由堅持雙邊對話，轉變為也同意透過多邊機制，作為處理南海主權爭議途徑的立場與作為?在這樣的雙邊與多邊機制下，呈現出怎樣的「中國..

The main research questions of the paper are as follow: first of all, what are China’s position, attitude, and actions in conflict prevention, second question is what is the difference between China’s action and statement on the issue of the South China Sea dispute and the South Sudan Crisis when China is one of the parties who faces sovereignty and national interest, and as a third- party in the practice of conflict prevention. Third question is why China is willing to change her position from insisting bilateral..