半總統制是新興民主國家廣為採用的政府制度類型,而現有關於半總統制的研究不論是著重憲法規範或實證行為面向,對於總統常態性的政策權限設計和相關的決策機關配置的系統性探討較為欠缺。本文試圖藉由包括臺灣在內共 21 個半總統制民主國家憲法設計的探索,讓半總統制的研究和理論能觸及總統常態性的治理課題,是半總統制研究中的新嘗試。本文焦點在於系統性解析多個國家憲法中總統的政策權與決策機關之設計模式,並進一步探討其與半總統制憲法上的次類型和實際的運作類型之關係。藉由多國案例的分析,本文呈現了重要而豐富的研究發現。研究核心發現在於,當總統具有特定政策權限時,憲法也大都配置政策諮詢或決策機制,而總統是否具主持內閣會議(或部長會議)權限,並與半總統制之憲法類型和實務類型都有一定的關聯性,因此,從「誰主持內閣會議」這個問題切入,可以相當程度辨識出該國憲法設計之原意,是讓其半總統制的行政權中樞傾向在總統或總理身上。最後,本文也對臺灣的相關憲法設計,提出了延伸的討論和思考。
Semi-presidentialism has been a popular form of government in emerging democracies. However, systematic analyses on the presidents’ powers in policy-making or on the related mechanisms of their decision- making process have been scarce. To fill in the gap in the field, this article surveys the experiences of 21 democratic countries. With a focus on constitutional design of president’s powers in policy and decision-making mechanisms, this article also tries to discover their relationship with sub- types of semi-presidentialism. The results showed that the president’s power is crucial to political accountability of the government. When a country’s constitution does not explicitly give powers of policy making to its president, its constitutional system seems to fall into a type of premier-presidential. Finally, this article reflects some opportunities and challenges for constitutional design in Taiwan.
自我國與美國斷交後,過去40年來,美國政府對臺軍售始終為美國作為兩岸關係第三方影響的重要課題,亦為在兩岸間「衝突預防」的政策工具。美國對於臺灣的安全承諾,長期擺盪在安全利益與民主聲譽之間,亦根源於行政部門和國會之間的立場分野。有別於過去的分析途徑,本文從外交政策分析(FPA)的理論視角切入,以總統決策機制為分析單元,討論美國總統在對臺軍售決策機制中究竟扮演的關鍵角色,以總統任期、領導人安全觀及府會結構三項解釋變數,檢視歷屆美國總統對於公布軍售和..
Since the United States switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, the U.S arms sales to Taiwan have been a critical issue affecting the Cross-Strait relations for the past 40 years. In order to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, maintaining sufficient self-defense capability for Taiwan has been the major goal of the United States. However, the U.S security commitment to Taiwan has long been fluctuating between security interests and democratic reputation. It also depends on the stance of the executive bran..
日本民主黨於 2009 年的眾議院選舉中擊敗執政的自由民主黨,黨魁鳩山由紀夫於 9 月 16 日成為日本首相。由於民主黨在參議院未過半,為了維持國會穩定運作,鳩山首相選擇與社會民主黨、國民新黨組成聯合內閣。 不過鳩山政權內部不斷出現閣員之間的對立,而鳩山首相始終無法處理這些政府決策過程之中所發生的混亂,學者與主要媒體多認為,發生混亂的原因是在於鳩山本人的領導能力不足。不過本論文認為,導致鳩山政權內部的混亂主因是民主黨建構的決策運作模式本..
Yukio Hatoyama, the chairman of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), succeeded to the Prime Minister of Japan on 16 September 2009 after DPJ won the 2009 Japanese general election. In the election, DPJ acquired 308 out of a total of 480 seats in the House of Representatives of Japan, while the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP), the former ruling party only acquired 119 seats. However, Hatoyama was thus forced to form a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party and the People’s New Party in response to a situatio..
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