蒙古位於亞洲內陸,夾處於中、俄兩大強國之間的戰略位置,使其曾長期被兩大強鄰視為領土的邊疆(frontier)。隨著 1991 年蘇聯瓦解,使近代蒙古第一次擁有完整主權。此後,蒙古的對外政策定調為「不結盟、等距離、全方位」,在「第三鄰國」戰略操作及地理條件基礎下,以平衡為原則,執行外交策略。誠然,蒙古如何在兩大強鄰之間求取平衡的生存之道,建構出獨立與靈活的外交及經貿空間,是蒙古確保國家安全的一大課題,也是本文的研究目的。
Mongolia, with its strategic location between China and Russia in the inner Asia, is seen by its powerful neighbors for hundreds of years as a frontier. In 1991, modern Mongolia obtained complete sovereignty for the first time after the disruption of USSR, Hereafter, its foreign policy was principled upon “independence, non-alignment, multi-pillars”. Under the “third neighbor” strategy, Mongolia uses the opportunities endowed from its geography to balance neighboring threats, ensure its national security, and create independent and flexible spaces in foreign affairs, economy, and trade. How Mongolia dealt with their prime issues is the focus of this article.
本文主要研究問題是:中國大陸對於衝突預防的原則性立場與態度為何?在身為當事國與第三方行為者兩種不同身分時,其在實踐上有何不同?本文藉由南蘇丹危機與南海衝突兩個案例分析中國大陸在衝突預防實踐上,面對事關自身主權與國家利益以及與自身主權無關之衝突事件時,在衝突預防作為上有何差異?其宣示與實際作為有何落差?此外,為何中 國大陸在南海議題上,會由堅持雙邊對話,轉變為也同意透過多邊機制,作為處理南海主權爭議途徑的立場與作為?在這樣的雙邊與多邊機制下,呈現出怎樣的「中國..
The main research questions of the paper are as follow: first of all, what are China’s position, attitude, and actions in conflict prevention, second question is what is the difference between China’s action and statement on the issue of the South China Sea dispute and the South Sudan Crisis when China is one of the parties who faces sovereignty and national interest, and as a third- party in the practice of conflict prevention. Third question is why China is willing to change her position from insisting bilateral..
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