拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型,在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷,本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎,運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡,則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言,本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..
The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..
隨著國際社會議題的多樣與複雜,解決各種國際議題不再單靠各國政府,加上民間團體的行為者崛起,政府如何與其互動與合作,共同解決受援國長期發展的結構性問題,則顯得越來越重要。理論上,NGO與政府之間若能有清楚分工及相互接受其角色,應可以建立一種相互增強的關係。但實際觀察卻發現,由於NGO的理想性高,加上若經費自主,就容易與政府保持距離並保持警戒,故雙方在國際援助議題上未必形成協力關係,甚至可能產生對立。 研究發現,以日本為例,影響該國NGO與政府協..
With the diversity and complexity of international issues, resolving international issues no longer rely on individual government entity. As civil society raises, how government cooperates with the civil society to resolve long-term constructive international problems has become more and more important. Theoretically, should non-governmental organizations (NGO) and the government have clear work scope and accept their roles, a mutual enhanced relationship can be built. However, NGOs are ideal in reality. And with self-sustained budget, NGOs..
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