氣候變遷與能源安全揭示了新一波能源轉型的重要性。在此背景下, 城市作為全球經濟體系的生產、技術與能源消費的中心,其重要性持續提 升。面對氣候與能源轉型議題,城市在何種程度上可以發展出有別於更高 層級(國家、全球)的治理策略,成為學界與政策實務關切的重要課題。
本文以德國弗萊堡市推動能源轉型經驗為例,聚焦於以下討論:城市 或地方層級如何實踐能源轉型歷程?當中發展出哪些地方性的治理活動? 以下本文將先回顧能源轉型與氣候治理相關文獻,以及近年對於能源民主 概念的討論,來梳理出城市能源治理的重要面向。其次,本文在介紹德國 能源轉型的背景概況後,將以弗萊堡市為例,檢視城市於能源轉型歷程中 的治理策略。接著,本文將回顧弗萊堡市能源治理經驗,凸顯城市具體回 應能源轉型趨勢,與透過地方能源自主帶動治理模式創新的重要性。
研究發現,弗萊堡市透過兩種途徑來推動城市能源轉型。一方面,市 政府作為管制者與規劃者、供給者與促進者,透過結合多種治理模式,在 引導城市能源轉型歷程上扮演重要角色;另方面,公民與能源合作社自主治理,投資地方再生能源計畫,凸顯出轉型歷程中的公眾參與,也是城市
能源轉型的重要力量。
Climate change and energy security highlight the significance of energy transition. As an important node of production, technology and energy consumption in the world, cities play an important role in the economic and social transformation towards sustainable energy. It has been widely acknowledged as one of the major issues that cities and local governments explore governing strategies different from the higher governance level (national, global)to achieve the energy transition.
This paper attempts to answer the following questions: How do the city and local levels implement the energy transition process? What are the major governing strategies during the implementation process in Freiburg, one of the green cities in Germany? Apart from reviewing the development of energy transition and local government system in Germany, this paper discusses the models and strategies of existing urban energy governance and self-governance of citizen energy in Freiburg.
The study finds that Freiburg introduces two approaches for urban energy transition. The municipality plays an essential role as regulator and planner, provider, facilitator, and combines different modes of governing to foster urban energy transition. In addition, the self-governance of citizens, energy cooperatives, and the investment at local- or community-based renewables highlight the public participation and their contribution to the transition process.
當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國,但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代,外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過,不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想,往往強調反躬自省,因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時,幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標,以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..
Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..
韓國財閥如現代、三星、LG,目前已是全球知名企業。他們的崛起與韓國政府的強烈支持有重大關係:政府支持財閥,分擔其投資分險、給予寡、獨占市場控制;財閥則回報政府以提供就業機會、賺取外匯、促進經濟成長。然而在此光明表象下,韓國政府與財閥間也有為人詬病的陰暗關係:政府官員收受財閥政治獻金及其他種種 「政治規費」,財閥則被回報以財經措施上的優惠。而隨著政治民主化,政府遭受國民逐漸上升的監督,要求政府和財閥的透明關係,並控制富可敵國的財閥。然而財閥則因經濟自由化而日益壯大,不再受制於政府的管控。韓..
Korean conglomerates, or chaebols in Korean, such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, are now familiar and global enterprises. However, the rising of chaebols was supported and often pushed by Korean government. For instance, government and chaebols shared investment risks and their aims to keep national market oligarchic or monopolistic, etc. Chaebols returned by creating employment opportunities, earning foreign exchanges, and driving economic development. But underneath the shining surface lies a dark and notorious side: for economic, financial, an..
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