在德國多層級聯邦體制和單一選區兩票聯立制(Mixed-member pro-portional representation, MMP)作用下，聯邦眾議院(Bundestag)與邦議會(Landtag)選舉，常因不同層級間之政治連結(Politikverflechtung)，形成相互影響的關係。故選民常將聯邦政府的執政效能，在邦議會選舉中直接歸責於執政黨在邦層級對應的參選政黨，而邦議會選舉因此也被視為「測試性選舉」(Testwahl)。依「次級選舉」(The..

Under the influence of the German multi-level federal system and mixed- member proportional representation (MMP), the Bundestag (the Federal Parliament) and the Landtag (the Representative Assembly) elections often form interrelated and interactive relations due to the political connections (Politikverflechtung) characteristic of different government levels. Therefore, in an ongoing Landtag election, voters often directly attribute the federal government’s ruling efficiency to the ruling party’s standing counterpa..

本研究認為，為更加切合國際關係的現實，必須從全球與區域層次重新修正國際關係理論的結構現實主義。攻勢現實主義雖然初步涉及全球-區域層次，提出區域霸權概念，不過由於該理論在本體論、體系結構理論和區域層次上的論述缺失，最終還是受到守勢現實主義框架的限制。本文因此以Barry Buzan和Richard Little的「互動能力」概念作為物質性建構的關鍵因素，使攻勢現實主義的本體論和體系結構觀得以動態化，並填補該理論在區域層次上的不足。本文也將區域層次作為全球層次的..

This study argues that in order to fit into international relations, it is neces- sary to establish a global-regional level of structural realism. Despite the con- tribution of Offensive Realism by bringing in regional hegemony to the global level, it challenges the traditional assumption of structural realism, which is the constant anarchy underlies the international system. However, due to the defi- ciency of Offensive Realism in explaining ontology, system-structure theory, as well as the regional level, it ultimately retu..

本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..

當前國際關係理論研究現正面臨著「物質轉向」、「物質主義轉向」、「新物質主義轉向」及「複雜轉向」的風潮，重新掀起國際關係理論的「心-物」、「心-身」、「社會世界-自然世界」、「行為主體性-結構」的爭論，乃至「人類中心-非人類中心」的新爭論。國際關係學者藉由「新物質主義」的哲學觀點提供了實用的哲學基礎而使國際關係或國際系統的本體論爭議迴避或拒絕二元對立觀點，呈現出新的「中間道路」(via media)吸納雙方觀點發展出「不只人類」的觀點，以及物質性也不是僅僅無生..

The field of international relations is facing the fashions of “material turn”, “materialism turn,” “new materialism turn,” and “complexity turn,” which re- raises the new debates of ideal-material, mind-body, social world-natural world, agency-structure, and anthropocentrism-nonanthropocentrism in international relations. With the New Materialism offering a practical philosophical founda- tion, the ontological debates of international relations or international systems could av..

投資在歐盟與中國經貿關係，扮演一項重要角色。2009年12月1日《里斯本條約》生效後，歐盟共同貿易政策已涵蓋投資，使歐盟取得投資政策與投資談判之專屬職權。歐盟於2011年成為中國第一大貿易夥伴，與中國建立全面戰略夥伴關係。歐盟因此積極推動與中國的雙邊投資協定談判，以單一聲音，提高談判地位，期待簽署一項全面性投資協定。中國乃歐盟第一個對外投資協定談判之對象，歐盟又採取高標準投資保障談判策略。歐盟與中國雙邊投資協定談判除了影響歐中經貿關係之外，也將形塑國際投資規..

Investment plays a key role in EU-China trade relations. Since the Lisbon Treaty came into effect on December 1, 2009, the EU’s common commercial policy has extended to investment. Accordingly, the EU has exclusive compe- tence covering investment policy and its negotiation with third countries. Not to mention, the EU has become the main trading partner of China since 2011 because it identifies China as a strategic partner, as well as a targeting country with which to negotiate a high-standard bilateral investment agree..