雖然中國政府重申不會在國際壓力下改革人民幣匯率，但其終究在 2005 年 7 月 21 日改革人民幣匯率體制與水平，本文透過貨幣權力關係理論的途徑探討為什麼中國會改變人民幣匯率政策。本文論證了美國是國際貨幣權力關係中的強國，在貨幣權力理論中延遲的權力與轉移的權力上，確認了美國的貨幣權力高於中國，讓美國得以在此一國際貨幣權力關係中向中國施壓，使得中國在人民幣匯率政策上無法說不，而必須改變人民幣實施多年的固定匯率體制。但由於中國並非美國傳統上的盟邦且在軍事、安全面向上並不依賴美國，加上美國貨幣權力並非無限，隨著美國經常帳赤字的擴大，讓中國的改革得以在主觀意願與客觀環境壓力下，以漸進的方式讓人民幣升值。
Although the Chinese government has reiterated that the reform of Renminbi(RMB)exchange rate would not be influenced by international political pressure, it adjusted the exchange rate regime and level on July 21, 2005. The main purpose of the paper is trying to analyze why the Chinese government changed the exchange rate policy through international monetary power theory. The paper proved that the U.S. is a stronger power than China in the dimension of international liquidity, owned reserves, borrowing capacity, degree of openness and adaptability in monetary power relations. It is the reason for the U.S. to successfully pressurize the Chinese government to adjust the exchange rate policy. Although not traditional allies, increasing deficit in current account and independent of the military and security of the U.S., Chinese government appreciated RMB exchange rate and reformed its foreign exchange rate policy gradually.
2008 年 9 月，美國、玻利維亞及委內瑞拉三國爆發令周邊國家擔憂的嚴重外交衝突事件。這個緊張情勢雖然在三方決定自我克制的情況下，除了相互驅逐大使，情勢並未惡化，但三方何以採取如此克制的作為，是筆者欲在本文探討的議題。本文利用傑維斯(Robert Jervis)1976年書中所提出決策者的認知、對他國意向的解讀、敵意的高低等認知心理途徑的核心概念，檢視 2008 年美、玻、委三國外交衝突事件中，三方究竟本於何種的利益考量或計算，才做出相互克制以緩解衝突的決..
In September 2008, there was a serious diplomatic confrontation involving the United States, Bolivia, and Venezuela that alarmed other countries in the Western Hemisphere. The decision to exercise self-restraint on all sides meant that action was limited to the mutual expulsion of ambassadors and the crisis did not escalate. In this paper, the author studies why the three countries exercised such self-restraint. Robert Jervis’ core concepts of policymakers’ perceptions, the understanding of other countries’ ..
在解放軍發展反介入/區域拒止戰力的背景下，美國近期出現了「海空戰」作戰概念的倡議。此一作戰概念的內容堪稱完整而全面，也提出許多值得美軍採納的建議，但缺失也同樣明顯。其概念中的兩個作戰構想，深入中國大陸上空的空襲，與侵入第一島鏈之內的反潛作戰，都是執行困難且徒勞無功，更帶來沒有必要的升高風險，因而得不償失。其實，美國及其區域盟邦只要發展類似的反介入/區域拒止戰力，即可對解放軍可能的侵略與強制構成強大的抵抗力。
People’s Liberation Army is developing its anti-access/area-denial capabilities to offset U.S. military presence in the West Pacific. In response, the operational concept of the “AirSea Battle” is currently being put forward in the United States. However, useful recommendations notwithstanding, both of its two core ideas - deep strike over Chinese mainland and anti- submarine warfare within first island chain - are difficult, futile, and contenting unnecessary risks of escalation. In fact, the United States ..
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