2016年日本通過宇宙2法，揭櫫推動民間升空商機、遙測數據商業等目標，目的在於擴大日本太空商業活動與世界太空市場接軌。其次，2017年美國NASA公布「阿緹米斯計畫」（Artemis program），基於美日同盟和美日安保，日本也積極參與美國主導的月球計畫；日本第5期《宇宙基本計劃》（2023∼2033年）表明日本邁入國際太空合作的動向，並且推出「宇宙安全保障構想」。就此，本文整理日本對應新太空時代的動向、太空與安保、太空民主聯盟等觀點，採用理性抉擇理論的「偏好—機..

In 2016, Japan passed the Space Act which aims to promote private space launch opportunities and the commercialization of remote sensing data, with the goal of expanding Japan’s space commercial activities and aligning with the global space market. Secondly, in 2017, NASA announced the Artemis program (Lunar Program). Based on the U.S.-Japan alliance and U.S.-Japan security arrangements, Japan is also actively participating in the U.S.-led lunar program. The 5th Basic Plan for Space Policy (2023~2033) indicating Japan’s move tow..

過去研究已指出選舉輸家和贏家在民主滿意度和政治支持上具有顯著的差異，然而卻鮮少有研究檢視選舉輸家和贏家在情感極化的程度上是否有顯著的不同。本研究認為在選舉競爭激烈的情況下，選舉輸家對於勝選者缺乏信心，不信任勝選者會回應其需求，加深其與勝選陣營之間的鴻溝，進而具有較高的情感極化程度。另一方面，選舉贏家則因為處於勝選、掌握政治權力的一方，對於敵對陣營可能較具有包容力，因此會具有較低的情感極化程度。此外，本研究進一步提出選舉輸家/贏家與情感極化之間的關係會受到治效能感的調節作用而產生異質性的影..

Previous research has pointed out significant differences between electoral losers and winners in terms of democratic satisfaction and political support. However, there has been scarce examination of whether there are significant differences in affective polarization between electoral losers and winners. This study argues that in fiercely competitive elections, electoral losers lack confidence in the winners and distrust that their needs will be addressed, deepening the divide between them and the winning camp, and leading to higher levels ..

新冠肺炎從2020年的年初開始席捲全球，成為當代影響全球經濟和國際政治最重要的事件，而若以染疫人口占總人口數的比率來看，民主國家在防疫的表現上並未明顯優於非民主國家的這個事實，也引起了政治制度孰優孰劣的辯論。針對這個現象，本文試圖回答「為什麼民主國家的防疫表現沒有比非民主國家來得好」以及「在什麼情況之下民主制度所擁有的優勢才能夠在防疫的表現上展現出來」這兩個問題。關於第一個問題，本文認為，由於民主國家通常全球化的程度較高，使得其在疫情初期的防堵上失去先機，再加上民主國家受限於民主的制度與..

The COVID-19 pandemic that has been sweeping the world since the early 2020 is the most important contemporary political and economic event. The fact that democracies do not outperform non-democracies in fighting the pandemic (in terms of the confirmed case percentage to their total population) aroused the debate about which kind of the political institutions is the better one. The goal of this study aims to answer the two questions about “why democracies do not outperform non-democracies in fighting COVID-19” and “when th..

在2020年新冠肺炎的肆虐之下，多數國家都面臨了疫情的挑戰，無論乎是在每日激增的感染人數、死亡人數、以及因為疫情而無法負載的醫療能量。在這種嚴峻的挑戰下，許多觀察家與學者卻看到了威權體制的優勢。因為威權體制可以忽略人權的問題，迅速進行大規模的疫區封鎖，或是對民眾強行進行檢測以及限制人身自由，進而可以較為快速的控制疫情。在這之中，中國與新加坡就是全球防疫的佼佼者。反過來說，對於歐美的民主國家，因為其防疫速度與政府反應較為緩慢，也因為其民主自由的特性而限縮了對人身自由過多的限制，進而導致疫情..

 Most countries have suffered from the COVID-19 pandemic since 2020. The numbers of confirmed cases and casualties and the overloading medical systems are all visible issues and problems each country is dealing with on a daily basis. Many observers and experts argue that authoritarian countries seem to be more capable of defending the COVID-19 pandemic because they can ignore human rights and intervene aggressively into the society to implement anti-pandemic policy, which allows quicker response to the COVID-19 pandemic and better cont..

本文回顧近年來政治經濟發展的研究。文中處理兩個主要的議題，第一個是國家在經濟發展中的角色，包括產業政策以及經濟自由化政策。產業政策部分討論贏家挑選政策、產業政策實踐上的差異、技術官僚與統治者之間的關係、影響發展途徑選擇的結構性因素，以及近年來發展型國家的轉型。其次，發展國家論的著重在工業政策，對經濟自由化政策常以經濟發展的另一種選項視之。本文討論國家如何交互使用這兩項政策，另外也分析影響經濟改革推動的制度與結構性因素。挑選贏家的過程中需將資源分配到最有潛力的部門，經濟自由化改革也需移除壟..

We review two important topics in the field of political and economic development. We discuss how states employ industrial policies and economic liberalization to promote economic development. Within the industrial policy framework, we delve into the issues of choosing winners, difference in industrial policy implementations, the relationship between technocracy and the rulers, structural factors that affect industrial policy choices, and the transformations of developmental states in recent years. Secondly, the debates surrounding developm..