本研究探討 2003~2006 年期間，哈馬斯的政治轉型與其「抵抗方案」的關係。哈馬斯全名為「伊斯蘭抵抗運動」(Islamic resistance movement)，因過去在以色列境內，從事自殺炸彈活動，被西方國家列入恐怖組織名單。 2006 年 1 月 25 日巴勒斯坦舉行議會大選，出乎眾人意料，哈馬斯成為選舉最大贏家。許多學者認為哈馬斯在政治上的轉型並非偶然。例如 2003~2006 年期間，即使哈馬斯發動多起自殺炸彈攻擊，但受到外在與內在環境的改變..

The aim of this paper is to examine Hamas’ political transformation by scrutinizing its resistance project between 2003 and 2006. Hamas is an acronym of the ‘Islamic resistance movement’, which was founded in 1987. Due to its past record of suicide bombings inside Israel, Hamas had, in the past, been viewed by some Western countries as a terrorist organization. However, since the Palestinian Legislative Council(PLC)election held in January 2006, Hamas unexpectedly had the capability of forming a government i..

2015 年 11 月，緬甸完成了歷史性的國會大選，由翁山蘇姬(Aung San Suu Kyi)帶領的全國民主聯盟一如外界預期獲得勝選。2016 年 3 月，緬甸新國會即將產生新的總統，進一步成為挑戰軍系勢力、推動戒律式民主 (disciplined democracy)再改造的關鍵領導人。緬甸民主發展正面臨脆弱轉型之際，儘管全民盟的勝選有利於延續緬甸之春(Burma Spring)的改革能量，但鑲嵌在制度設計中的各種「透明的不正義」(transparen..

Myanmar has successfully held its general election on November 8th 2015. As predicted, the National League for Democracy(NLD)led by Daw Aung San Suu Ki won the election, becoming the majority in the parliament. A new president, according to the Constitution, will be elected by the NLD- led parliament by March 2016, who may push forward political transformation of disciplined democracy while challenging the Tatmadaw. The winning of NLD will, for sure, invigorate Burma Spring; however, transparent injustice embedded in the Cons..

本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下，對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現，產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為，由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同，所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知，在總統制下，因為權力完全分立，總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好，但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下，因為權力只有部分分立，國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段，所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中，..

This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..

過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中，認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素，在 2012 年的總統選舉中，認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素，是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點，討論臺灣認同的階段，提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立，到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭，而在兩岸恢復交流後，因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國)，進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段，臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..

Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..

混合式選制融合了多數決與比例代表兩種選制的精神，不過關於此種選制兩票架構對投票的影響，有兩種截然不同的主張:一是認為兩票各自獨立運作，其影響可以獨立估算;另一派則主張兩票抉擇會相互影響，亦即具有所謂連動效果(interaction effects，或稱感染效果 contamination effects)的存在，因此必須綜合考量兩票架構的互動關係。而在日本施行的混合選制，又因允許候選人在兩種選票間重複提名，更使得其兩票間的連動關係益形複雜。 ..

The Mixed Electoral System combines the spirits of plurality and proportional representation. The way two-ballot structure influencing the voting behavior however is not settled. Of the two distinctive schools, one believed that two ballots work separately and therefore, their influences should be estimated independently. The other group advocated the existence of contamination effects (or interaction effects), and believed that it is necessary to consider the interaction between two ballots. As for the Mixed- Member Majorita..