國際關係歷史社會學承諾要打破主流國際關係學界中的歐洲中心論 (Eurocentrism)，但至今為止很少有人從事具體的歷史社會學經驗研究來兌 現這個承諾。許田波(Victoria Tin-Bor Hui)對近代早期歐洲與上古中國的國家形成做出具有開創性的比較研究是少數的例外，她探索的主要問題是何以歐洲國家間的軍事競爭會維持一種競爭性的多國體系，而中國的戰國體系最終卻匯歸為一統帝國?她認為秦國能統一中國主要是因為它進行了自強型的改革，而歐洲國家則多半採取了自弱..

Historical sociology in international relations promises to undermine the Eurocentrism that is characteristic of mainstream international relations theories. To date, however, few empirical studies in historical sociology have been carried out to deliver on that promise. Victoria Tin-Bor Hui’s ground- breaking comparative study of state formations in early modern Europe and ancient China is a rare exception. The main question she addresses in her work is why under similar pressure of military competition, Europe continu..

本體論為任何研究之始，能動者 / 結構爭論為以 Waltz 為首之結構現實主義與 Wendt 為代表之建構主義在本體論層次的重要歧異點之一，為此，兩派學者自 1980 年代末黨論戰迄今。儘管本體論的問題具有政治性，不見得有終極與明確的答案，但籍由本體論的討論可以讓吾人更能瞭解兩派理論在深層假設的異同。本文在敘明能動者/結構爭論在理論發展上的重要性後，進行爭論中相關重要概念——如能動者、能動性、結構等——的闡述，除追蹤這些概念在社會學上的根源..

All research begins with ontology. The agent/structure debate represents one of the most profound discrepancies and the least conclusive contests in this regard between Structural Realism and Constructivism since the late 1980s. Though politics is the terrain of competing ontology；definite and clear-cut answers are hardly attainable, a serious discussion on ontological issues can lead us to penetrate the assumptions deeply embedded in both theories. This article first examines theoretical significances in the agent/structure debate and ..

當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率，有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展，有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話，而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究，帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace)，主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且，如果再將威權政體進一步分類，則僅有單..

When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..

俄羅斯現代史上轉型時期極為重要的理論和實踐問題，就是俄羅斯聯邦制的建立與發展。而俄羅斯社會的經濟、社會和國家政治領域改革的結果，很大程度上取決於聯邦制的順利發展。實際上，整個俄羅斯的命運也取決於俄羅斯聯邦制如何發展。本論文試著釐清兩個問題:第一、在葉爾欽時期，聯邦主體的主權過度擴張，為何在普金時期卻又能將這些權力收回?第二、其決定性因素為何?而此決定性因素又如何地影響聯邦中央和聯邦主體之間的權力拉鋸爭奪? 故本文有兩個重要議題，首先是試..

Russia is a federation which, as of March 1, 2008, consists of 83 federal subjects(members of the Federation). One of the extremely important theoretical and practical issues during the process of political transition in Russia’s modern history is the establishment and development of Russian federalism. The results of economic, social and political reform in the Russian society largely depend on the smooth development of federalism. In fact, the whole fate of Russia also depends on the development of Russian federalism...

新現實主義針對外部平衡提出了許多的模型，但卻未能說明國家為何，以及如何在不同類型的內部平衡間進行選擇，以回應外在的壓力。要解釋一國在軍事政策上的變化，必須以一種結合體系與單元雙層次變數的理論進行分析，而這種理論的基礎即是目前方興未艾的新古典現實主義。不過，新古典現實主義雖注意到了單元層次的重要性，卻仍忽略了國家行為邏輯的雙重性，亦即，國家除了權衡利害關係(後果性邏輯)以做出決策外，在此過程中，也會受到文化因素(適當性邏輯)的影響。本研究即是希望能夠透過理論綜..

There are many models of external balancing based on neo-realism. Nevertheless, not all can interpret why and how states choose among different types of internal balancing strategies to response the extrinsic stress. To understand the change of a state’s military policy, neoclassical realism integrates the system-level and unit-level variables. However, it still ignores the dual nature of the logic of state’s action, namely, besides interest, the influence of culture. Hence, a new “secure arming” model..