本文主要從日本政治經濟結構當中非正式制度的轉變來探討 1990 年之後日本經濟衰退的主要原因。在過去分析日本經濟衰退的原因大多是從國際層次與國內層次兩個面向來分析，在國際層次方面包括自由化的衝擊與日圓的急遽升值;在國內層次方面則包括政府主導模式的失調與規制緩和的調控，而這些面向主要焦點都集中在國際化與自由化的轉變對日本國內政經制度的衝擊，而忽略日本國內制度轉型的重要性。本文認為在過去這些文獻探討大多集中在日本正式制度的調整，而忽視非正式制度的存在與轉變。本文..

The goal of this paper is to explore the roots of Japanese economic recession in the 1990s from the transition of informal institutions in Japan. In the past, analysis of the Japanese economic recession in the 1990s was used to the aspect of international dimension and domestic dimension; focuses on the formal institutions such as political reform, fiscal reform, administrational reform, and financial reform, and neglected the changes of informal institutions. The argument of this paper bases on the fact that Japan has reform..

1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞成為全球安全局勢最具挑戰的地區之一，強權在中亞的權力競逐亦日趨白熱化。對積極邁向世界強權的歐盟而言，中亞天然資源豐富又位居反恐戰略要衝地位，是兵家必爭之地，但受制於地緣政治因素，歐盟在中亞儼然還不是戰略玩家，其與中亞國家之關係迄今仍根據1999年生效的「夥伴暨合作協定」，缺乏一套完整的戰略規劃。2003年11月喬治亞爆發「玫瑰革命」，隨後又在前蘇聯地區引發連鎖效應，使歐盟在中亞的戰略再成討論議題。 本文主要係從歐盟「歐洲睦鄰政策」的面向切入，分別檢視歐..

Central Asia reemerged from the collapse of the USSR in 1991 as one of the political and security challenging regions, intensifying the struggle among competing powers. The region's natural resources and strategic importance on anti-terrorism are critical for EU striving to achieve a global great power. But restricted by geo-politics, EU has not become a strategic player in Central Asia. The only legal framework of EU-Central Asian bilateral relations was the “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” (PCA) since 1999, lacking ..