全球化帶來了生活意識的同化以及空間一體化的現象，使得美國能夠藉此散播其意識形態，而美國也確實藉由全球化的機制增強了其在國際事務上的影響力，並在全球相互依賴的網絡下贏得了主導的位置。本文嘗試以霸權國作為研究的核心，藉由垂直(vertical)與水平(horizontal)社會化兩種國際社會化(International Socialization)的方式來說明霸權國如何利用除了傳統的軍事武力之外的社會化途徑來影響其他國家，成為維持其霸權體制的另一種柔性力量。 ..

Globalization leads to assimilation of life consciousness and space integration. Thus enables the U.S. to spread ideology, reinforces international influence, and gains possession of the leading status under this global interdependence network. This article attempts to use horizontal and vertical socialization approaches to explain how hegemonic states utilize their soft powers to maintain dominance and exert influence on other states without the use of military force.  

Alexander Wendt 運用量子意識理論作為其建構主義的知識論主張，嘗試證明科學實在論的觀點，也就是可以能科學地研究與證明理念與意識在形成集體認同及行動的作用。Wendt 的量子意識理論肇因於建構主義內部的知識論爭論，他科學實在論的知識論立場引發了不同的批評，遂而提出量子意識理論作為回應，企圖告訴讀者不同的思考世界方式。 本文將聚焦於 Wendt 所提出的量子意識理論(假設)對於建構主義理論 (甚至整個國際關係理論)的意涵，以及..

Alexander Wendt tries to use quantum consciousness theory or hypothesis (QCT) as an epistemological position for his constructivism to defend the scientific realism that it can scientifically research and prove the effects of ideas and consciousness on collective identity formation. Wendt’s QCT resulted from the epistemological debates within constructivism, his scientific realism has generated various critics, he initiated QCT to response these critiques and tried to tell readers how to think the world differently. ..

從印度和巴基斯坦在 1998 年決定進行「全面對話」(Composite Dialogue)，到 2004 年 2 月印巴「全面對話」正式開展，期間受到兩國情勢及事件的阻撓，並在 2006 年 7 月中斷數月。印度和巴基斯坦也花很多時間和精力在討論對話條件以及所包括的議題。本文的焦點為 2003 年及 2006 年 「全面對話」兩次復談協商的過程。本文將「全面對話」復談協商過程視為協調賽局，並分析、檢驗內部因素與外部壓力如何影響印巴對於復談協商的意願、相關合..

India and Pakistan agreed to undertake “Composite Dialogue” in 1998. However, the dialogue did not take place substantially until February 2004. In the interim, the two countries were deterred from launching the dialogue officially by various kinds of domestic situations and events. In July of 2006, the dialogue was disrupted again for several months due to terrorism. In the meantime, India and Pakistan spent a lot of time and efforts in negotiating the conditions for the resumption of the dialogue and issues to b..

在戰後日本民主憲政史上，2005 年舉辦的第 44 屆日本眾院議員選舉深受各界重視，特別是因為該屆選舉，是日本政治史上首度因重大政策遭國會否決，內閣首相逕予交付民意定奪的一項公民複決選舉。當時自民黨的執政內閣能否在改選中贏取民心，亦或由民主黨等在野黨派來更迭政權，不僅攸關小泉純一郎首相政治生命與改革路線的延續，更牽動日本未來政經局勢的發展走向，其重要性確實不容小覷。 有別於過往研究囿限於宏觀層次或質化的研究途徑，本文嘗試根據日本選舉研究..

The 44th Japanese House election in 2005 has played a significant role in its post-war democratic history and also drove a lot of attention in the academics. The importance of this election, regarded as the national referendum for the postal reform, relies on the fact that it is the first time the House is dismissed because of unsolved policy gridlock. The consequence of the election not only results in the destine of LDP coalition government and the political career of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, but also the developme..

2007 年初俄國新移民法生效後，俄屬遠東當地華商因而被迫離境，衝擊當地經濟甚鉅。俄羅斯自阻其急需人力資源的矛盾，惟有對黃禍的疑懼能作合理解釋。本文以為，俄屬遠東「黃禍論」實屬臆測誇大居多，乃係不同相關面向下產生的迷思。在俄國對外戰略因國際格局驟變而未定之際，「黃禍論」得以從中復萌，而遠東區與中央之間潛伏的疏離感亦同時觸發。此又強化當地的特殊性及經濟發展的區域遲疑，除讓地方與中央因視界歧異屢生扞格，亦造成中央整體戰略與地方區域發展間的認知衝突。在國際與國內結..

After the new immigration laws that came into force in the beginning of 2007, Chinese merchants in the Russian Far East were forced to leave, and local economy was significantly impacted as well. The fears of “Yellow Peril” obviously can explain such various paradoxes - Russia cut off its relationship with Chinese labor resource. This thesis contends that Russian Far East’s “Yellow Peril” is a gross exaggeration based on unfounded assumptions, and a myth emerged from several related dimensions. A..