2011 年 5 月 2 日美國特種部隊攻擊賓拉登(Osama bin Laden)之住處並且結束長達十年對於頭號國際恐怖分子的追擊,在此之後,各國對於此事件的反應呈現出不同的面貌。本文將以實證方法研究美國與各國的外交關係、各國對賓拉登事件的反應、主要媒體評論之間的互動關連,整理出支持與不支持美國的總表。本研究亦將思考:在採取爭議性的方法達成其國家利益的同時,美國霸權是否可以在未來持盈保泰?本研究所採取的新聞分析方法,是否能夠提供外交政策研究更多的可能性? ..
As the U.S. special forces thundered into Bin Laden’s compound and terminated the decade long chase of the most wanted terrorist on May 2, 2011, the global reaction to this incident presented diverse versions for interpretation. This empirical study answers the questions: can the U.S. identify those who support or oppose its foreign policy by their reactions to the Bin Laden incident? By probing into the governmental archives and major media in selected countries, this research answers two more important questions: has ..
印巴關係一直是南亞區域安全的焦點,而印巴自兩國獨立之後就擺盪在戰爭與和談之間,長久以來對喀什米爾(Kashmir)主權的認知無法達成共 識。本文的論點是,「安全困境」(security dilemma)不一定是印巴關係的宿命。兩國之間的戰或和,多半取決於主要決策者在面對國內各利益團體及國際的壓力時,基於維持權力的目的,做出決策所造成的結果。本文將以 1998-2004 年期間印巴和平進程為例,探討印巴兩國在國際、國內環境及領導利益等因素影響之下所做的決策,如..
This article will examine the relations between India and Pakistan during 1998-2004 and study how decisions made by leaders of India and Pakistan under domestic and international pressure had influenced India- Pakistan relations. The article argues that the India-Pakistan relations will not necessarily be trapped in the "security dilemma." The relations between the two countries for a large part depend on the decisions of major policymakers based on the goal of maintaining power as well as foreign players such as th..
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