WTO爭端解決機制一向被譽為皇冠上之珍珠,如今上訴機構陷入停擺危機,反而成為皇冠上之荊棘。過去數年來,美國運用WTO所要求之共識,屢次反對上訴機構成員之選任案,尤其是川普政府上台後更加強杯葛之力道。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書之規定,上訴案件最少由三名成員審理並作成裁決。然而2019年12月10日之後,上訴機構已無法正常運作。長期以來美國對上訴機構提出許多批評,包括系統性、實質性與程序性問題;反之,許多WTO會員則急於補實懸缺,而疏於處理美國關切之事項。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書第3.2條之規定,爭端解決機制之核心目標在於確保多邊貿易體系之穩定性與可預測性。倘若上訴機構名存實亡,WTO爭端解決機制之運作亦將喪失有效性與可信度。上訴機構無法正常運作,導致以規則為基礎之多邊貿易體系陷入危機。鑒於上訴機構之重要性,本文擬探討危機之根源,回顧美國杯葛之始末與理由,並探討歐盟為了化解上訴機構危機而提出之方案,進行評估。
The dispute settlement system, often considered as the “crown jewel” of the WTO, is in a present crisis and becomes the crown of thorns. Over the past years, the United States through the use of the WTO’s consensus requirements has successfully blocked the launch of a process to select the Appellate Body members. This is carried forward by the Trump administration. With a Settlement of Disputes Understanding (DSU) requirement that appeals be heard by three AB members, with the AB membership down to zero at the present time, the Appellate Body ceased to operate in December 10, 2019. The U.S. Administration makes clear that the U.S. long-standing concerns involve systemic, substantive and procedural issues. However, many WTO members have been pressing for the filling of Appellate Body vacancies first and addressing U.S. concerns over time. Without the Appellate Body, the dispute settlement system loses much of its effectiveness and credibility since the core objective of the system is to “provide security and predictability to the multilateral trading system” as stipulated in Article 3.2 of the DSU. The collapse of the Appellate Body may indicate that the rule-based multilateral trading system will be in peril. In view of the importance of the Appellate Body, this article looks into the reasons for the U.S. blockade and the nature of its concerns. This article also explores the proposals put forward by the European Union and the options available to overcome the impasse.
隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙,歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」,並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上,歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響,已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義(Third Interregionalism)」發展;除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定,並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力,而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..
Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..
歐洲統合於過去半個世紀的發展,為政策實踐與學術研究提供建構歐洲特殊身份認同的機會。在尋求一個適合其身份認同的全球性角色的過程當中,歐體/歐盟已在對外政策的合作進程中,展現與傳統強權不同的特質,並呈現出具關鍵影響力的規範性力量。隨著在政策領域當中歐洲國家逐漸發展出對外與安全政策整合的機制,學界也提出「公民強權」的概念,藉以指稱在聯盟的層次上,以集體性的非軍事措施解決國際衝突的方式,在經過不斷實踐形成行為體間互動慣例模式後,所建構出具特殊性的歐盟國際身份認同。 然而,當歐盟開始試探軍..
A half century of European intergration has had a profound effect on both policy practice and academic research in pursuing the distinctiveness of Europe's identity as a whole. In the process of finding an appropriate role based on its constructing identity, the EC/EU has shaped a distinct foreign policy and developed decisive normative power in world affairs. Along with the formation of foreign and security policy cooperation among EU member states, the academic circle has proposed the “civilian power” concept, referring to..
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