近廿年來中俄關係已從友好的、建設性的成為戰略性的夥伴關係,進入中俄前所未有之友好高峰期。實際上,中俄戰略協作夥伴關係是中俄的權力分布共識與利益匯集於因應美國霸權的威脅,由於美國對外戰略牽動中、俄關係的發展,中俄雙邊互動也影響著大國權力平衡關係。中俄戰略協作夥伴關係的本質除了有關平衡美國霸權外,既有的雙邊共識與追求利益張力似正影響著雙邊關係的發展。隨著美國單極的鬆動與中國的崛起,中俄關係逐漸偏離傳統權力平衡的意涵,轉為更為複雜的「制度性平衡」。因此,本文結合新現實主義、新自由主義、建構主義等三大學派不同面向的建制觀──權力、利益、認知的分析折衷主義和制度性平衡,去觀察二十年來的中俄關係,更能窺知中俄戰略協作夥伴關係發展的全貌。中俄雙邊反覆多變的關係變遷,中俄戰略夥伴關係本質的變化,以及中俄雙邊將如何建構未來關係,都是本文所欲探討的課題。
In the last two decades, China-Russia relations have turned from “friendly” and “constructive,” to “strategic partnership” and reached an unprecedented peak. Indeed, the nature of the China-Russia strategic partnership is based on the consensus of power distribution in East Asia, while facing threats from the United States hegemony and bilateral economic interdependence. The diplomatic strategy of the United States not only affects the development and bilateral interaction of China-Russia relations, but also influences the balance of power among great powers of East Asia. The bilateral consensus to counterbalance U.S. hegemony and tension in pursuing state interests have deepened the China-Russia strategic partnership. With the wavering U.S. unipolar system and the rise of China as a world power, the relationship between China and Russia has gradually deviated from the traditional “balance of power” to “institutional balancing.” This paper analyzes the development of China-Russia relations in the past twenty years from an integrated model of “analytical eclecticism” and “institutional balancing” in terms of power, interest, and identity. Utilizing the perspectives of the three schools: neorealism, neo-liberal institutionalism, and social constructivism, the purpose is to understand the motives, trends and future developments of the China-Russia strategic partnership.
本研究目的在於,從中國與北韓的國家利益角度,分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景,進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來,由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策,使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言,穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此,金正恩上台之後,繼承金正日的「先軍政治」,持續研發軍事科技,進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆,採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」,以凝聚國內團結,且處決危及金..
The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..
本文檢視 9 個在 2000 年至 2013 年與中華民國(以下簡稱臺灣)斷交的國家,以探討友邦與我斷交背後的中華人民共和國(以下稱中國)因素。本研究發現,對臺灣友邦來說,獲取來自中國在貿易、投資與金援的經濟考量,以及透過中國的支持提升其國際地位與穩固國內政權的政治考量,是影響友邦是否願意與臺灣延續外交關係的重要因素。大部分友邦在與臺灣斷交後,均能獲取大量來自中國的經濟與政治利益,即便是擁有長期穩固邦誼的友邦亦然。從友邦的角度來看,透過遊走於兩岸的外交競爭之..
This paper investigates the underlying China factor that played out when nine countries ended diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (hereafter called ‘Taiwan’). Research shows acquiring economic benefits from China, in terms of trade, investment and foreign aid, securing China’s support for enhancing international status and consolidating domestic political power are important factors when an ally of Taiwan considers breaking ties. Most allies receive immediate and significant political and economi..
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