東南亞國家協會(東協)於 2009 年成立東協政府間人權委員會，一反其 40 年來對聯合國倡議成立區域人權機制之漠視。究竟東協為何成立區域人權機構?現有的文獻已從理性論和觀念論兩種研究途徑探討過，但其解釋 力各有不足。本文仍從理性論的觀點出發，但不同於文獻所強調的東協集體理性，本文強調個別會員國的理性，因為以往文獻在分析層次的選擇上採取了較宏觀的視角，但結果卻是無法完全解釋東權會的成立。本文仍採用理性論的研究途徑，但補充以較微觀的視角，主張東協成立東權會是東協個別會員國基於各自利益的考量、理性選擇的結果。本文運用過程追跡研究法，將東協人權機制的發展史分成三個重要里程碑，以便深入探討個別國家的理性排序和選擇。本文發現從個別國家的理性角度切入，可以具有一致性地解釋東協成立東權會的三大里程碑，即 1993 年東協部長會議宣布考慮建立區域人權機制、2007 年東協憲章納入人權機構、2009 年印菲泰馬四國接受不符其共同立場之東權會章程。
The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)was created in 2009 by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN), a move contrary to its ignoring of the United Nations’ forty-year advocacy. Why did ASEAN member states create the AICHR? A review of the literature found two types of arguments: rationalist and ideationalist, but neither of them is satisfactory enough to explain why the AICHR was created. This article adopts a rationalist perspective with the emphasis on ASEAN member states’ individual rationality instead of ASEAN’s collective rationality, which the literature have focused. It is found that the employment of individual rationality can consistently explain three milestone events during ASEAN’s creation of AICHR.
近年來，國際人權規範在東南亞地區出現了正面的發展趨勢，並引發了學界之興趣。然而現有研究多聚焦於東協區域人權機制的創建與後果，對於人權公約承諾的關注相對不足，所提供的解釋亦未能盡如人意。本文企圖透過量化資料的實證分析，探詢影響東南亞人權公約承諾的主要因素。透過觀察東南亞十國自1981年到2015年間對主要國際人權公約的承諾紀錄，本文驗證了主要理論觀點所歸納出的四項假設，實證分析結果顯示，規範論與理性論觀點在不同的人權公約中產生了一定的促進效果，然而並無證據支持..
The last few decades witnessed positive developments in terms of human rights across Southeast Asia. It is widely believed that progresses such as the creation of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission of Human Rights (AICHR) suggested the willingness of regional countries to identify themselves with universal human rights. Nevertheless, no consensus has been reached in academia yet regarding human rights treaty commitment of regional countries. This article intends to make contribution to the knowledge of human rights treaty rat..
拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型，在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷，本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎，運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡，則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言，本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..
The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..
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