近廿年來中俄關係已從友好的、建設性的成為戰略性的夥伴關係,進入中俄前所未有之友好高峰期。實際上,中俄戰略協作夥伴關係是中俄的權力分布共識與利益匯集於因應美國霸權的威脅,由於美國對外戰略牽動中、俄關係的發展,中俄雙邊互動也影響著大國權力平衡關係。中俄戰略協作夥伴關係的本質除了有關平衡美國霸權外,既有的雙邊共識與追求利益張力似正影響著雙邊關係的發展。隨著美國單極的鬆動與中國的崛起,中俄關係逐漸偏離傳統權力平衡的意涵,轉為更為複雜的「制度性平衡」。因此,本文結合新現實主義、新自由主義、建構主義等三大學派不同面向的建制觀──權力、利益、認知的分析折衷主義和制度性平衡,去觀察二十年來的中俄關係,更能窺知中俄戰略協作夥伴關係發展的全貌。中俄雙邊反覆多變的關係變遷,中俄戰略夥伴關係本質的變化,以及中俄雙邊將如何建構未來關係,都是本文所欲探討的課題。
In the last two decades, China-Russia relations have turned from “friendly” and “constructive,” to “strategic partnership” and reached an unprecedented peak. Indeed, the nature of the China-Russia strategic partnership is based on the consensus of power distribution in East Asia, while facing threats from the United States hegemony and bilateral economic interdependence. The diplomatic strategy of the United States not only affects the development and bilateral interaction of China-Russia relations, but also influences the balance of power among great powers of East Asia. The bilateral consensus to counterbalance U.S. hegemony and tension in pursuing state interests have deepened the China-Russia strategic partnership. With the wavering U.S. unipolar system and the rise of China as a world power, the relationship between China and Russia has gradually deviated from the traditional “balance of power” to “institutional balancing.” This paper analyzes the development of China-Russia relations in the past twenty years from an integrated model of “analytical eclecticism” and “institutional balancing” in terms of power, interest, and identity. Utilizing the perspectives of the three schools: neorealism, neo-liberal institutionalism, and social constructivism, the purpose is to understand the motives, trends and future developments of the China-Russia strategic partnership.
2010年中國漁船與日本海上保安廳巡邏船於釣魚臺相撞之後,中國向日本禁運稀土,此例成為經濟脅迫的一個顯著案例。2019年左右中國官方媒體又再次將稀土視為與美國貿易戰的武器,此使中國的稀土政策、稀土供應鏈的韌性重新成為人們關注的焦點。為了確定稀土用於經濟制裁或經濟脅迫時的有效性,我們有必要重新審視中國2010年對日本進行稀土禁運案例。本文重新審視了當時日本政府對於中國對日禁運稀土所採取的一連串政策回應,並檢視2010年後日本與稀土相關的經濟安全政策。此外,基於此案例,本文發展出評估單一國家..
China’s media has reported multiple times that the country could use its rare earth exports as a countermeasure against the United States since the Trump administration launched its trade war. President Biden has sought international cooperation to bolster supply chains and counter China’s economic coercion, and rare earth elements have been identified as the key resources in this campaign. To determine whether rare earth elements can be used effectively in economic sanctions, we must re-examine China’s 2010 embargo on rar..
台灣與俄羅斯都是在第三波民主化浪潮時,從威權或極權政體走向民主政體的國家。然而,兩國的民主政治發展卻有截然不同的結果。本文的主要目的,乃是在探討 1995 年至 2005 年之間,台灣與俄羅斯在民主發展上的異同。首先,針對民主鞏固之概念作概括性的整理與解釋;其次,說明台灣與俄羅斯民主發展之過程;接著,以民主轉型與民主鞏固的模型,深入比較台灣與俄羅斯民主化進程之差異;最後,則進一步提出台灣邁向民主鞏固與俄羅斯發生民主崩潰的觀察。 &..
Both Taiwan and Russia became democracies during the period of Third Wave of Democratization. However, the results of democratization for each turned out to be completely different. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the similarities and dissimilarities of democratic developments during the period of 1995-2005. The concept of democratic consolidation and relevant ideas is clearly explained in the first section, also showing the process of Taiwan and Russia’s democratic developments. In addition, models of demo..
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