「印度-太平洋」一詞近幾年成為眾所矚目的焦點，甚至迅速取代各界對於「亞洲-太平洋」的關注。不只是全球主要政治領袖紛紛關注「印太區域」的發展與榮景、積極凸顯「印太戰略」的重要性，而國際間重要外交政策智庫亦密集辦理會議及論壇，詳細比較區域國家的「印太政策」，試圖歸納出印太區域政經發展的當前圖象與未來路向。此種在戰略或政策論述上正逐漸由「亞太」朝「印太」轉向的變革，蔚為趨勢。本文將探討正在發展中的印太戰略，從區域內部與外部的形構動力著手，對照主要利害關係國的多元政策論述與核心關注，進一步分析印太戰略的整體布局。最後，本文將以印太戰略的未來與對臺灣的意涵作為結論。
Much attention has been paid to the notion and setting of “Indo-Pacific” in recent years. It becomes a buzzword, to some extent, replacing “Asia- Pacific” as the focal point in regional stability and prosperity among stakeholders in Asia. In order to better portray contesting approaches for Indo-Pacific engagement, this study explores driving forces that shape the current power configuration in the Indo-Pacific region, unfolds the development of Indo-Pacific strategies among major powers such as Japan, the United States, Australia and India, and concludes with strategic implications for Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy.
近年來，中美兩強權在印太地區的戰略競爭愈演愈烈。特別是在基礎建設上，所謂的聯通性戰略，更是兩國在印太地區較量的指標。隨著經濟的快速發展，印太地區對數位化所需的基礎建設越顯急迫。在新冠疫情後，印太國家更加關注高質量的網路基礎設施以及一些關鍵的數據驅動技術，包括人工智慧（AI）。因應此需求，中國早在「一帶一路」（Belt and Road Initiative, BRI）的旗幟下，提倡「數位絲綢之路」（Digital Silk Road, DSR），積極推進數位基礎設施合作。美國則提出了「自..
In recent years, the strategic competition between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific region has intensified, particularly in the realm of infrastructure development. The concept of connectivity has become a key indicator of this competition, as both countries seek to expand their influence in the region. With the rapid economic growth, the demand for digitalizationrelated infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly critical. In the post pandemic period, Indo-Pacific countries are more concerned about high..
過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中，認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素，在 2012 年的總統選舉中，認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素，是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點，討論臺灣認同的階段，提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立，到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭，而在兩岸恢復交流後，因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國)，進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段，臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..
Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..
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