自一帶一路倡議提出以來,中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策,在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助,大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而,政府之間的合作成果,卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況,對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例,審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問題、社會發展與國家安全等角度,分析 2015 年 A1 國道事件及 2018 年的平順省暴動兩起抵抗事件進行分析,以掌握中國在東南亞推動的一帶一路倡議之最新運作狀況及合作中存在的潛在挑戰。
Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row, this paper uses Vinh Tan electricity center – a complex of coal power plants located in Binh Thuan Province, Vietnam, as a case study and talks about issues, such as: the impact of environmental pollution from these Chinese-built power plants on local’s economic livelihood, health, social development, and Vietnam’s national security. Additionally, this study gives updated insights into China’s implementation of BRI and its challenges in Southeast Asia.
公私協力夥伴關係近年來成為南南合作的重要模式,隨著自身經濟實力的增長,南方國家廠商也開始參與其他發展中國家興建基礎建設。有鑑於先行文獻對此現象經常採行對外直接投資的研究框架,較為輕忽公共建設的特質與偏重投資的負面效果,本文以中國廠商參與泰國與緬甸的海外公共建設項目為例,進行理論建構工作。研究發現民營企業即使獨資取得地主國的公私協力夥伴計畫,也不致於衍生爭議;相對地,中央型國有企業參與基礎建設計畫較易遭遇政治反抗,但如果採行與當地或者他國際廠商的合資形式,則可..
South-South Cooperation is believed to facilitate development smoothly. However, why do some projects of public-private partnership in infrastructure (PPI) between Southern countries create contention while others do not? This research argues that types of enterprises and interfirm cooperation are two determinants of contentious politics against foreign involvement in PPI in Southern countries. To explain how this mechanism works, I focus on Chinese firms’ port and power construction PPI in Thailand and Myanmar. The com..
中國自1978年改革開放以來,隨著快速的工業化與城市化的發展,國家糧食安全與糧食自給率的確保一直受到高度的重視。然隨著2001年加入世界貿易組織,國際農產品貿易日趨熱絡,糧食自給率逐漸下降,因此引發一個問題,即中國糧食安全程度是否逐漸惡化?糧食安全與貿易自由化是互補關係,抑或是互斥關係?本研究利用經濟學人信息社(Economist Intelligence Unit,以下簡稱:EIU)建構的全球糧食安全指標(Global Food Security Inde..
Food self-sufficiency rate has been the major food security indicator for policy decision-making in China for a very long time. However, after reform and opening the country with increasing international trade, the self-sufficiency ratio of food has gradually decreased, which raises the question, is there a gradual deterioration of China’s food security? This study uses the Global Food Security Index (GFSI) constructed by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), consisting of three sub-indexes, namely affordability, avail..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.