1960 年代末期,海洋地質專家即已預測東海大陸礁層蘊藏著豐富的油氣資源,並且造成了周圍國家的震撼,臺灣、中國與日本競相投入海域的探勘活動。但是,後來為了避免國際紛爭,各方遂停止在東海探採石油。然而,隨著海底資源開發技術的發展、國際原油價格節節攀升,以及聯合國海洋法公約的生效,中、日雙方圍繞在東海油氣田的爭端再度爆發出來。由於中國開始在日本主張的「中間線」附近開採石油,造成日本的強烈反應,雙方衝突不斷升級,值得臺灣密切關注。深究中、日在東海發生爭端的根本原因, 在於雙方的專屬經濟海域有相當大部分的重疊。對於鄰近國家專屬經濟海域重疊的情形,海洋法公約呼籲透過協商解決。本文認為,儘管中、日兩國已於 2008 年 6 月達成共識,要先進行小範圍的共同開發,但是來自歷史的情結和現實的輿論壓力,加上東海問題的複雜性與敏感性,將給中、日試圖簽訂此類協議帶來極大的難度。
In the late 1960s, marine geologists had predicted that the continental shelf in the East China Sea is rich in oil and gas. This finding shocked the surrounding regions of Taiwan, Japan, and China, leading to a fever of oil exploration. These countries then stopped the exploration to prevent further international disputes. However, as new seabed resources exploring technology is developed, rising price of crude oil, and the implementation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the conflict of the East China Sea oil and gas fields between China and Japan breaks out again. Japan's strong reaction to China is caused by China's oil exploration near the median line claimed by Japan. Taiwan, thus, needs to pay more attention to the increasing conflict between China and Japan. The conflicts between China and Japan in the East China Sea resulted from the fact that their exclusive economic zone substantially overlapped. Regarding such issue, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea calls to resolve the dispute through negotiation. In this article, the author argues that even if China and Japan reached a consensus of small-scale joint exploration in June 2008, it will be more difficult to sign this type of agreement in the future due to historical factor, public opinion pressure, and the complexity and sensitivity of the East China Sea issue.
近廿年來中俄關係已從友好的、建設性的成為戰略性的夥伴關係,進入中俄前所未有之友好高峰期。實際上,中俄戰略協作夥伴關係是中俄的權力分布共識與利益匯集於因應美國霸權的威脅,由於美國對外戰略牽動中、俄關係的發展,中俄雙邊互動也影響著大國權力平衡關係。中俄戰略協作夥伴關係的本質除了有關平衡美國霸權外,既有的雙邊共識與追求利益張力似正影響著雙邊關係的發展。隨著美國單極的鬆動與中國的崛起,中俄關係逐漸偏離傳統權力平衡的意涵,轉為更為複雜的「制度性平衡」。因此,本文結合新..
In the last two decades, China-Russia relations have turned from “friendly” and “constructive,” to “strategic partnership” and reached an unprecedented peak. Indeed, the nature of the China-Russia strategic partnership is based on the consensus of power distribution in East Asia, while facing threats from the United States hegemony and bilateral economic interdependence. The diplomatic strategy of the United States not only affects the development and bilateral interaction of China-Russia r..
本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度,取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時,該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時,則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..
This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..
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