近年來，隨著歐盟和北約組織的東擴與俄國的再度興起，位處西方民主國家與俄國之間「地緣斷層線」上的中東歐國家對俄國「抗衡或扈從」 的議題又再度浮上檯面。相關文獻指出，中、小國家與大國之間的利益相似程度，是決定其對該大國選擇「抗衡或扈從」關係的關鍵前提條件，據此，本文探討在這個「地緣斷層線」上16個曾具有相似背景的前「東方集團」的中東歐國家與俄國之間在外交政策利益相似程度上的變化。以近年來在各國所發生的事件為基礎，本文發現，經濟危機和民主退化的問題， 在近年來開始威脅著這些中東歐國家的傳統政黨..

Due to the eastern expansion of EU and NATO and the resurgence of Russia under Putin’s leadership, how the Central and Eastern European fault line states chose between balancing and bandwagoning toward Russia has become a salient issue in contemporary international relations studies. This article investigates changes in the degree of policy similarity between 16 former “Eastern Bloc” Central and Eastern European States and Russia. The rationale for this study is that previous studies demonstrated that this issue is the key..

美國如何操作外交政策訊號而使其政策意圖能夠被正確解讀呢?過去研究探討美國外交政策是否因「聽眾成本」大小而變得可信。但對於美國政府如何操作外交政策訊號卻未有系統性研究。本文介紹過去學界引用賽局理論所推演出的兩項假設。即在高賭注系列事件上，美國外交政策訊號呈現正反夾雜，混淆不一的現象。而在低賭注系列事件，美國政策訊號則呈現重複敘述，單調一致的現象。本文以美國在南海島礁爭議，以及其在 APEC 承諾的系列事件為例，試圖檢證上述兩項假設。本文發現就此兩系列案例，美國..

How does the U.S. manage its foreign policy signals to ensure its intentions are read correctly? Scholars have invoked the concept of ‘audience cost’ to explain credibility of leaders’ threats and policy signals. However, no systematic study has been undertaken on how the U.S. government manages its foreign policy signals. By employing two hypotheses developed by a scholar of signaling games, this paper attempts to examine how the U.S. manipulates policy signals to allow its intentions to be read correctly. ..

美國在小布希與歐巴馬兩任政府主政時期，對馬來西亞的政策出現顯著差異。當前多數文獻以「雙邊─多邊」或「軍事─經濟」的兩組對照作為比較基礎，而本文在具體耙梳兩屆政府在美馬經貿與安全合作的政策異同之後，發現上述兩組對照分析模式有過於簡化之嫌，因此提出以外交取向的本質作為出發點，深入研究小布希與歐巴馬政府對馬政策的異同。以美馬反恐和南海議題上的合作為案例進行分析之後，本文發現小布希政府的對馬政策是功能取向的，因此著重對馬政策的工具性與利益界定，導致雙邊關係發展受限於..

Since the Obama administration initiated the “Rebalancing toward Asia” policy, development of US-Malaysia relationship has been one of the crucial topics. Many researchers have suggested that Obama’s policy toward Malaysia is more successful than that of Bush’s, and most works have followed the framework of “bilateralism vs. multilateralism” and “security- oriented vs. economy-oriented” to make a strategic comparison. This article examines such frameworks and argues that they ar..

本研究主要以新古典現實主義的研究途徑，檢視跨太平洋夥伴關係(TPP)倡議以來，日本民主黨與自由民主黨在國內與國際面向所面臨到的局勢，以此分析對政策發展的影響，並提供合適的解釋，來說明政策轉變的原因。本論文的主要研究步驟如下:首先是理論的部分，針對國際關係主要學派有關外交政策的論點進行辯證;其次，則是簡要說明 TPP 的形成背景與日本相關政策的推動;復次，進一步說明日本歷任內閣對於 TPP 的立場，並討論面臨的課題;最後，再以理論連結決策過程當中..

This paper attempts to analyze domestic and international situations faced by the Democratic Party(DP)and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)since the TPP was proposed from the neoclassical realism approach. The purpose of this paper is to analyze policy development impacts and explain the necessity of policy changes. This paper will focus on (1) critical thinking of foreign policy from different major international relations theories, (2) backgrounds of TPP development ..

相對於美國、中國大陸及許多主要大國從事「公眾外交」實踐及其理論化的中英文研究文獻汗牛充棟，中小型國家的經驗大致上較少受到關注。本論文假定加拿大在公眾外交實踐經驗有其特殊貢獻與研究價值，進而透過探索加拿大公眾外交的發展、歸納其所呈現的形態與內外連結特徵、分析其實踐優劣與挑戰來作印證。加拿大公眾外交的實踐可歸納出兩大主要特徵:一方面，其強調的是結合對外與對內雙重面向的溝通以及政府與人民雙向關係並重。其涉及的主要標的，並非局限於國外的民間團體、意見領袖與人民，也包..

While existing literature focuses primarily on the practices of public diplomacy(PD)of Great Powers, such as the United States and the People’s Republic of China, and much of PD’s conceptualization was often based on their experiences, less attention was paid to middle or small countries. It is assumed that the Canadian experience in this regard is insightful and deserves a systemic study. This paper explored the development of Canadian PD, generalized its patterns with an emphasis on its foreign-domestic linkage...