中國自1978年改革開放以來，隨著快速的工業化與城市化的發展，國家糧食安全與糧食自給率的確保一直受到高度的重視。然隨著2001年加入世界貿易組織，國際農產品貿易日趨熱絡，糧食自給率逐漸下降，因此引發一個問題，即中國糧食安全程度是否逐漸惡化?糧食安全與貿易自由化是互補關係，抑或是互斥關係?本研究利用經濟學人信息社(Economist Intelligence Unit，以下簡稱:EIU)建構的全球糧食安全指標(Global Food Security Inde..

Food self-sufficiency rate has been the major food security indicator for policy decision-making in China for a very long time. However, after reform and opening the country with increasing international trade, the self-sufficiency ratio of food has gradually decreased, which raises the question, is there a gradual deterioration of China’s food security? This study uses the Global Food Security Index (GFSI) constructed by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), consisting of three sub-indexes, namely affordability, avail..

WTO爭端解決機制一向被譽為皇冠上之珍珠，如今上訴機構陷入停擺危機，反而成為皇冠上之荊棘。過去數年來，美國運用WTO所要求之共識，屢次反對上訴機構成員之選任案，尤其是川普政府上台後更加強杯葛之力道。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書之規定，上訴案件最少由三名成員審理並作成裁決。然而2019年12月10日之後，上訴機構已無法正常運作。長期以來美國對上訴機構提出許多批評，包括系統性、實質性與程序性問題;反之，許多WTO會員則急於補實懸缺，而疏於處理美國關切之事項。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書第3...

The dispute settlement system, often considered as the “crown jewel” of the WTO, is in a present crisis and becomes the crown of thorns. Over the past years, the United States through the use of the WTO’s consensus requirements has successfully blocked the launch of a process to select the Appellate Body members. This is carried forward by the Trump administration. With a Settlement of Disputes Understanding (DSU) requirement that appeals be heard by three AB members, with the AB membership down to zero at the present time..

2008年全球金融危機爆發，重挫跨國資本市場;既有全球金融治理機制備受質疑之餘，也開啟2008年之後繁複的治理機制改革之路。 本研究認為2008年之後的全球金融治理機制改革有三個不同的層次:從規範、制度到結構，每個層次對於治理機制改革的重點議題與運作方式與目的各有不同的掌握。規範層次與制度層次的共同點在於皆強調在既有金融治理機制的改革;二者差別在於，規範層次專注於監理內容的補強，而制度層次側重行為者之間的互動方式與關係。較諸前二者，結構..

This paper examines the reform of global financial governance mechanism after the global financial crisis in 2008. The research argues that three different levels of reform could be identified in order to get a thorough understanding of the governance reform during the last ten years, i.e. regulatory level, institutional level, and structural level, each of which assumes different causes to the financial crisis and prescriptions to the problematic governance mechanism reform. Regulatory reform supporters..

自從 1962 年便落入軍事威權統治的緬甸，在 2010 年 11 月 7 日舉行自 1990 年以來首次的聯邦與地方議會大選，並在 2011 年 3 月 30 日隨著新總統登盛的宣誓就職，而從軍政府正式轉型至文人政府。此後登盛政府進行了一系列改革措施，頗令人耳目一新。本文主旨在解讀緬甸自 1948 年獨立以來的政治發展，並將 2011 年以降的政治改革放在威權政體尋求政治正當性的歷史脈絡中來觀察，而認為當軍政府的國內正當性鞏固工程在本世紀初面臨因經濟困境所..

The Burmese military has been successful in maintaining its authoritarian rule in the past decades. In 2011, however, the junta shifted its power to the civilian government despite the absence of inside or outside political pressure . Since then, the new government has introduced many reforms that allow greater political liberty in Burma. This paper locates the junta’s power shift as part of a wider process of the military consolidating political legitimacy. It argues that as the junta’s power consolidation reache..

選舉制度影響政黨體系，是廣為人知的因果推論。依此邏輯，若以政黨體系為因，以選舉制度的變化為果，即產生內生性的選制變遷理論。然而，某些研究者仍認為選制變革起於和政黨體系無關的外生因素。本文主張，選制變遷是否受到政黨體系的影響，取決於選制的種類。第一，有利大黨的多數決選制如果始終未出現一黨過半，則國會屬於多黨制，有可能因為小黨組成多數聯盟而改採比例性選制。尤其當現狀為並立式單一選區兩票制時，可能因為小黨的議席多來自政黨名單，而比代表區域主義的多數決選制更容易導致..

It is well known that electoral system shapes party system. By this logic, an endogenous explanation for changes in electoral systems should treat party system as the cause and changes as the consequence, in sharp contrast with theories attributing changes to exogenous factors that are irrelevant to party system. This paper argues that whether changes in electoral system are caused by party system depend on the type of the electoral system. First, if a majority party never emerges from a majoritarian electoral system, minor p..