「習近平之發言作為」成為觀察中共政治情勢的核心指標，其個人思想也成為中共政治的重要動力。本研究試圖回答：「習近平意識形態體系特徵與其思想時序變化」，特別是與毛主義的關係。本研究之方法為「計算政治學／計算中國研究」，使用計算機為核心來探索人力難以發現的部分。具體而言，蒐集「習近平系列重要講話資料庫」中之講話文本，作為分析語料。使用程式技術如文字探勘（text mining）、自然語言處理（natural language processing）與深度學習（deep learning）演算法..

Xi Jinping’s activities have become the core focus of the CCP’s political landscape, and his ideology has emerged as a significant driving force in Chinese politics. This study aims to answer the question: “What are the characteristics of Xi Jinping’s ideological system and its chronological evolution?” particularly in relation to Maoism. The methodology of this research is rooted in “computational politics/computational Chinese studies,” utilizing computational methods to explore aspects that are d..

瑞典與芬蘭是歐洲實施中立政策歷史相當悠久的國家，長期以來這兩國選擇中立作為外交政策主軸，不過2022年2月俄烏戰爭爆發後這兩國決意擺脫中立、改以申請加入北約為其新的外交目標，此種策略轉變對兩國與歐洲安全形成很大衝擊。芬蘭已於2023年4月4日加入北約，2023年7月北約峰會召開之際，土耳其與匈牙利亦表態支持瑞典入約。本文所欲探討者乃是分析這兩國為何調整其長久以來堅守的中立政策理念，過往多數觀點認為瑞、芬兩國拋棄中立乃因俄烏戰爭威脅所致，但實際觀察兩國政策演變，俄烏戰爭僅是政策轉折最後階段..

Sweden and Finland are countries with a long history of neutral policies, and they have traditionally chosen neutrality as their main direction for foreign policy. However, after the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian War in February 2022, both countries have decided to abandon neutrality and adopt joining NATO as their new security strategy. This disruptive evolution of diplomatic strategy has had a significant impact on the security of both countries and Europe as a whole. As of the writing of this article, Finland has already joined NATO on..

本文旨在分析日本戰前藩閥與戰後自民黨派閥政治的關連，明瞭在歷史因素下政治寡頭者理念的傳承，且進一步影響現今政治的運作。以往有關派閥政治的研究，多數是以選區制度、權力均衡等觀點進行探討，然本文認為尚可由制度與歷史的因果關係，探究制度的動態與變遷、制度的柔軟性和限制性等要素說明。故本文取日本藩閥與派閥之例，認為兩者之間藉由近代政黨政治運作連結而起，對應政府體制轉變，成為民主政治理念的展現。本文發現近代日本藩閥政治與自民黨派閥的連續性上，存在有保守與改革派意識形態的對抗，藉由依賴路徑發展而來的..

This paper’s purpose is to analyze the relationship between the pre-war Hanbatsu politics and the post-war factional politics in Japan in order to understand the continued ideals of the political oligarchy and their effect on the operations of present politics. In terms of the studies on factional politics in Japan, most scholars use the viewpoints of the election system or the balance of power, etc. However, this paper tries to explore factional politics from the institutional and historical cause and effect viewpoint. To do so, this..

公私協力夥伴關係近年來成為南南合作的重要模式，隨著自身經濟實力的增長，南方國家廠商也開始參與其他發展中國家興建基礎建設。有鑑於先行文獻對此現象經常採行對外直接投資的研究框架，較為輕忽公共建設的特質與偏重投資的負面效果，本文以中國廠商參與泰國與緬甸的海外公共建設項目為例，進行理論建構工作。研究發現民營企業即使獨資取得地主國的公私協力夥伴計畫，也不致於衍生爭議;相對地，中央型國有企業參與基礎建設計畫較易遭遇政治反抗，但如果採行與當地或者他國際廠商的合資形式，則可..

South-South Cooperation is believed to facilitate development smoothly. However, why do some projects of public-private partnership in infrastructure (PPI) between Southern countries create contention while others do not? This research argues that types of enterprises and interfirm cooperation are two determinants of contentious politics against foreign involvement in PPI in Southern countries. To explain how this mechanism works, I focus on Chinese firms’ port and power construction PPI in Thailand and Myanmar. The com..

全球暖化改變了北極的地緣政治格局，也促使中國參與北極事務。北極為中國提供的機會包括:縮短通往歐洲和北美港口的航運距離，增加貿易競爭力;有助中國北方港口城市發展不同定位的港埠經濟，及改善中國東北地區的經濟結構;有助於中國取得北極蘊藏豐富的天然資源;及有助於緩解中國當前面臨的安全問題，如「麻六甲困境」。但中國也遇到若干挑戰，包括:北極海冰構成航行威脅，航運成本也會增加;北極國家對中國涉足北極的疑慮;偏重於亞洲的貿易格局制約中國對北極的投入;以及中國技術能量不足等..

Global warming has changed geopolitics of the Arctic and prompted China to participate in the Arctic affairs. The Arctic offers many opportunities for China. First, it shortens the shipping distances to European and North American ports in order to increase trade competitiveness. Second, it develops different kinds of harbor economy and improve economic structures in the northeast of China. Third, it is able to acquire rich natural resources in the Arctic. Fourth, the Arctic can ameliorate China’s security problems, suc..