本研究主要探索新冠疫情對中國一帶一路的影響，並進一步分析中國 對東南亞國家的防疫外交。本文分為四個部分，第一部份是為前言，說明 研究旨趣與架構，並就與本研究旨趣相關之文獻進行回顧；第二部分聚焦 於疫情爆發之的合作實踐。然而，這兩個特徵放在與東協國家具體互動中確實也出現若 干問題；本研究除了進一步探索之，並試圖提供解釋，且於結語處提出六 項研究發現。後，論及疫情衝擊一帶一路的國際輿論與觀點。再者，本文 於第三部分延續檢視疫情期間中國對鄰近區域（東南亞國家）的防疫外交 工作是否符合中國整體外..

This study mainly explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and further analyzes China’s pandemic prevention diplomacy (PPD) towards Southeast Asian countries. This study i neighboring countries mainly responded to the long-existing strategic priority of China’s foreign policy guidelines, that is, to prioritize the neighbors as the f irst principle, while the second to implement collaboration in accordance to the differentiated relationships among partner countries. However, im..

不論從當前的理論或是實務發展來看，中國在2010年以來的對外主要 作為均以其一帶一路倡議以及亞洲基礎設施投資銀行作為分析要點，而美 國的對應則聚焦在歐巴馬總統開始，並在川普與拜登時期成熟的印太戰略 上。學界與政策界對兩國互動的研析，不外乎是基於這樣的戰略架構討 論。不過，中國如何在近年發展之中逐漸形成一套在亞洲地區的策略，用 以應對美國及其盟友的印太戰略，目前並沒有一套較完整的架構解析。本 文認為，雖然在政策偏向、對外原則以及價值觀等面向，中國並沒有採用 美國及其盟國所主張的「印太戰略」..

From either theory or practice, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) have been identified as two major foreign behaviors of China. To respond, the United States adopts the Indo Pacific Strategy which started in the Obama administration and developed in Trump and Biden administrations. Though scholars and policy practitioners apply the aforementioned strategies to analyze US-China relations, the understanding of China’s strategy in Asia is still underdeveloped. This paper argues that while ..

本文的主要目的在瞭解台灣學者如何研究中國的多邊外交，研究成果展現了哪些特色，以及與國際學術界研究此一議題的連結。有關台灣學者研究成果收錄的範疇，則主要以2012年之後的著作為主。本文首先就中國官方及學術界，以及國際學術社群，針對中國多邊外交概念及理論架構的研究，以及政策與執行層面的分析，作一整理爬梳。接下來則探討台灣學者對中國多邊外交的總體性研究，作出了何種貢獻，其與國際關係中多邊外交分析傳統的關聯性如何。此外，本文也針對中國多邊外交的個案，探討台灣學者研究成果與國際學術界研究取向之異同..

The purposes of this study are to understand the approaches adopted by the Taiwanese scholars to research on China’s multilateral diplomacy, major characteristics of research results, and the linkages with the international academic society. The scope of analysis is limited to research publications after 2012. This paper first explores major theoretical concepts adopted by international and mainland Chinese academics on China’s multilateral diplomacy, followed by the analysis of research outputs on policy implementation and prac..

自一帶一路倡議提出以來，中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策，在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助，大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而，政府之間的合作成果，卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況，對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例，審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問..

Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row..

權力與國家利益是國際政治研究的主要探討因素，也是國際關係學界戰後研究的起點，本文認為「權力」決定「國家利益」，進而限制「國家行為」的觀點 ，在國際人權規範下未必依舊是當代國際政治與國家行為的鐵律。從冷戰後國際社會的維持和平行動來看，有相當程度國家武力干預並非出於國家利益的動機，亦非與地緣戰略有關，而只是為了去維持國際社會的價值，一種強調人權價值、避免種族淨化的發生。這種國際社會的價值 (人性尊嚴、法治、民主) ，某種程度存有所謂規範制約權力的成分，強調權力的使用來自合法性，而這規範的形塑..

Power and national interest constitute an important research topic in the study of international politics, and can be seen as the starting point for the study of international relations in the post-war period. A number of scholars have asserted that “power” determines “national interest." Such a view, however, can result in an excessively restricted understanding of “national behavior," since the relationship between contemporary international politics and national behavior is not necessarily an ironclad on..