本文旨在釐清學界對於「權力平衡狀態」與「權力平衡體系」的內涵混淆，透過對「權力平衡體系」進行嚴謹的定義，推進權力平衡理論的解釋力。 學界一直對「權力平衡」的理解有許多誤解與偏見，其中，誤將「狀態」等同於「體系」是最常見的問題。本文先回顧華爾茲（Kenneth Waltz）對於體系的界定，指出其中的不足之處，並借用建構主義溫特（Alexander Wendt）的理論來補充。描繪出我們對於權力平衡體系的文化、結構與邏輯等論點。 藉由對體系進行嚴謹的定義，不但使得「權力平衡狀態..

This article aims to clarify the confusion among academic circles about the connotations of “Balance of Power Situation” and “Balance of Power System” and to advance the explanatory power of BOP theory through a rigorous definition of “Balance of Power System.” There have always been many misunderstandings and deviations in “Balance of Power.” Mistaking “situation” with “system” is the most common problem. This article first reviews the definition of “system&r..

美中貿易戰宣告了兩國在國際政治的競爭局勢正式展開，2019年後的疫情更形加劇了兩國彼此的競爭關係。然而，美中對立下新冷戰的政治兩極化一定會造成國際貿易關係的兩極化嗎？世界各國真的會各自歸隊，在美國與中國之間擇一而處，形成兩極對立的局勢嗎？還是口頭上與行為上有差異，仍然依照國家自身的利益分別和美國和中國進行實質上的往來。本文即探討這個問題，比較疫情前後，國際貿易局勢的變化到底是趨向兩極化還是非兩極化。本文認為，新冷戰的局勢下，美中對立造成的政治兩極化無法避免，但政治兩極化不等於貿易關係兩極..

The U.S.-China trade war indicates a confrontation between the U.S. and China, and the pandemic problem since 2019 deteriorates the confrontation. However, will political polarization due to the new cold war between the U.S. and China lead to economic polarization? Do countries in the whole world choose their own sides between the U.S. and China, establishing two blocs and competing? Or countries in the whole world behave inconsistently in terms of verbal promises and practical actions. National interest is still their benchmark to have sub..

2008年全球金融危機爆發，重挫跨國資本市場;既有全球金融治理機制備受質疑之餘，也開啟2008年之後繁複的治理機制改革之路。 本研究認為2008年之後的全球金融治理機制改革有三個不同的層次:從規範、制度到結構，每個層次對於治理機制改革的重點議題與運作方式與目的各有不同的掌握。規範層次與制度層次的共同點在於皆強調在既有金融治理機制的改革;二者差別在於，規範層次專注於監理內容的補強，而制度層次側重行為者之間的互動方式與關係。較諸前二者，結構..

This paper examines the reform of global financial governance mechanism after the global financial crisis in 2008. The research argues that three different levels of reform could be identified in order to get a thorough understanding of the governance reform during the last ten years, i.e. regulatory level, institutional level, and structural level, each of which assumes different causes to the financial crisis and prescriptions to the problematic governance mechanism reform. Regulatory reform supporters..

台灣約有六成毒品來自境外，因此「跨境」毒品流動為重要研究主題，亦關乎台灣在國際政治上之非傳統安全領域，但至今少有公開資訊。本研究使用法律資料分析法，探索七萬餘篇法院判決書作為文本資料，描繪「毒品案件要素與結構」。研究發現:(1)近年約有三分之二件毒品案件是累犯，所有案件中之四分之三可易科罰金，兩者佐證現實上監獄負擔過重問題。(2)近年關於毒品之7種犯罪方式之數量增長程度有顯著差異存在，犯案數量由大至小為「施用、持有、製造、販賣、轉讓、運輸、栽種」。(3)就近..

Illegal drug is a serious global problem today. It is necessary to understand its distribution and trafficking routes in order to tackle this problem. Moreover, it is estimated that approximately 60 percent of the illegal drugs in Taiwan came from overseas. Hence, the flaw of cross-border drug control is also an important issue in international affairs. This article uses legal analytics to study 71,629 judgements text involving drug-related crimes to grasp the picture of case factor and structure by text mining technology. It..

本研究認為，為更加切合國際關係的現實，必須從全球與區域層次重新修正國際關係理論的結構現實主義。攻勢現實主義雖然初步涉及全球-區域層次，提出區域霸權概念，不過由於該理論在本體論、體系結構理論和區域層次上的論述缺失，最終還是受到守勢現實主義框架的限制。本文因此以Barry Buzan和Richard Little的「互動能力」概念作為物質性建構的關鍵因素，使攻勢現實主義的本體論和體系結構觀得以動態化，並填補該理論在區域層次上的不足。本文也將區域層次作為全球層次的..

This study argues that in order to fit into international relations, it is neces- sary to establish a global-regional level of structural realism. Despite the con- tribution of Offensive Realism by bringing in regional hegemony to the global level, it challenges the traditional assumption of structural realism, which is the constant anarchy underlies the international system. However, due to the defi- ciency of Offensive Realism in explaining ontology, system-structure theory, as well as the regional level, it ultimately retu..