二十一世紀以來的國際發展援助議程益加強調援助有效性,如何確立援助過程中最後階段—政策到發展結果—的有效性,則與2015年 2019年與2021年諾貝爾經濟學獎得主,使用個體資料、應用因果推論方法、進行反事實分析緊密相關。本文回顧援助有效性的背景,介紹反事實分析的邏輯、方法,並透過訪談與文獻分析,檢視臺灣目前政府開發援助中,已獲學術期刊審查刊登的反事實分析案例,包括國際合作發展基金會在南太平洋島國吉里巴斯與馬紹爾群島的園藝計畫以及海地之糧食安全計畫。本文發現上述案例..
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the international development agendas have put more emphases on aid effectiveness. How to ensure the effectiveness from policies to development outcomes, the last stage of the aid process, is closely related to counterfactual analyses using micro-level data and causal inference techniques, recognized by Nobel Memorial Prizes in economics in 2015, 2019, and 2021. This paper reviews the background of aid effectiveness, introduces the logic and techniques of counterfactual analyses commonly used..
本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度,取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時,該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時,則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..
This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..
臺灣是事實上的(de facto)獨立國家,然而其法理上的(de jure)獨立地位在中國打壓之下並不被國際廣泛承認。長久以來,臺灣藉由援助邦交國來換取外交承認,形成「建交導向」的援外政策;然而過去十多年來,在論述上、制度上和實踐上出現一系列改革,呼應美歐澳日等理念相近國家的價值,也就是經濟合作發展組織(Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development)的國際援助典則。本文主張這是從「建交導向」延伸..
Taiwan is a de facto independent country, but its de jure independence status is not widely recognized by the international society under the suppression of China. In the past, Taiwan used aid to exchange diplomatic recognition from its aid recipient countries, forming an “aid for diplomacy” aid policy. However, since the late 2000s, Taiwan’s aid policy has undergone a series of reforms regarding discourses, legal frameworks, and practices. Such reform applied the international aid regime established by like..
本文以涵蓋2000至2019年臺灣縣市與企業層級追蹤數據,定群向量自迴歸模型與固定效果迴歸模型評估兩岸貿易擴張是否對臺灣房地產業帶來影響。本文主張,兩岸貿易擴張主要透過兩種機制影響臺灣房地產業發展:一、市場動力;二、企業地產金融化。在臺灣與中國地緣政治因素下,臺灣對中國貿易順差與新自由主義轉型政策,解釋本地房地產業持續在沒有大量外資挹注,資本持續流向中國市場下,卻仍持續發展。1990年以來,兩岸貿易擴張與政府新自由主義政策轉型,臺灣房地產業投資提供高額報酬機..
In order to answer the question of how the cross-strait trade influence Taiwan’s housing prices, this study argues that two mechanisms mattered: first, the driving force of the market; and second, the financialization of real estate in corporations. I argue that the profitable environment of real estate was built by the government’s neoliberal policy from the 1990s due to Taiwan’s massive capital outflow to China. The environment attracted capital from cross-strait trade and resulted in many big corporations..
臺灣民眾自我防衛的決心,對於我國國防及東亞區域和平皆有重大影響。尤其是在面對可能的兩岸衝突狀況下,了解臺灣民眾的自我防衛意 願,與國家安全息息相關。然而,如何解釋臺灣民眾自我防衛決心的差異,在現存的國際關係文獻裡面的討論有限。我們認為,民眾在理性計算是否願意參戰時,過去的從軍經驗是心理上最直接仰賴的資訊,因此從軍經驗的好壞,理論上會影響民眾的自我防衛決心。本文把從軍經驗分成三個面向,包括軍種、覺得軍事訓練對上戰場的有用程度、以及從軍時與長官的相處狀況,並於2..
What explains Taiwanese citizens’ determination of self-defense? To date, few studies touch upon this issue. We argue that one’s military service experience is an important factor for studying citizens’ willingness to fight and hypothesize that positive experience could be conducive to higher willingness for self-defense as the citizens feel they have the capabilities and preparations for a conflict. We operationalize military service into three dimensions: military branch, evaluation of usefulness of milita..
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