隨著拜登政府（Biden Administration）對中國半導體、人工智慧以及資通訊產業進行制裁，美中兩大強權於科技領域內競爭態勢已經形成。學者與政府官員對於中國挑戰美國科技霸權感到憂慮。然而當前國際關係領域缺乏對總體科技實力建構有效測量指標，導致在衡量中國科技權力上產生偏誤。因此，本文從金融權力、人力資本和智慧財產三個面向出發，建構了一套測量國家總體科技權力的指標。從指標中可發現，儘管中國已成為科技強國之一，但其與美國之間仍存在顯著差距。透過比較個案研究發現相比於美國開放社會帶來金..

As the Biden administration imposes sanctions on China’s semiconductor, artificial intelligence, and information and communication industries, a competitive stance in the technological arena has been established between the two powers, the United States and China. Scholars and government officials are concerned about China’s challenge to the US’s technological hegemony. However, there is a lack of effective measurement indicators for overall technological capability in the current field of international relations, lead..

霸權應對崛起強權的具體策略，是觀察美中兩強權力競爭的重要課題。國際關係受到霸權權力衰落宿命論的影響，無視霸權是戮力科技創新的國際層級結構產物。本文試圖從領導長周期論的視角，勾勒科技創新對於霸權維繫其全球主導地位的重要性，提出霸權面對崛起強權科技創新追趕挑戰的分析架構。本文解析冷戰時期美國回應蘇聯地緣戰略與日本科技創新威脅的不同面貌，辨識美國為延緩中國科技創新追趕速度，在關鍵新興尖端科技領域，所採取的出口管制、自強自固、阻絕圍堵與吸融匯濟等四種策略，並分析美國所遭遇的挑戰與契機。本文發現，..

The specific strategies employed by a hegemon in dealing with rising powers are a crucial aspect of understanding the power competition between the United States and China. International relations paradigms have been influenced by the notion of the inevitable decline of hegemonic power, often disregarding the fact that a hegemon is a product of international-level efforts in science and technological innovation. This article aims to delineate the significance of technological innovation in maintaining global dominance for a hegemon with the..

本研究從民眾認知外在威脅的觀點，分析其在2020年的總統選舉中，如何影響其投票行為。在2019年的年初，中國國家主席習近平提出「一國兩制，台灣方案」之後，蔡英文總統給予強力的回應，伴隨同年六月間香港升高的「反送中運動」，讓中華民國會不會因為中國大陸的威脅而消失的「亡國感」發酵，成為影響2020年選舉的重要關鍵。 本研究運用在2020年的選舉前後執行的定群追蹤調查，分析民眾是否具有「亡國感」的感受。我們發現，擔心因為被中國大陸統一而讓中華民國消失的民眾比較較高，超過五成一。我們進一..

From the perspective of possible external threat, this study analyzes how voters’ perceptions of external threat might affect their vote choice in the 2020 Presidential election in Taiwan. After Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed the ‘one country, two systems’ Taiwan formula” in January of 2019, President Tsai Ing-wen gave a strong response. Along with the “Anti-Extradition Movement” in Hong Kong in June of the same year, the “sense of national subjugation (wangguo gan)” fermented by the pos..

2021年5月5日，歐盟執委會公佈了一份規則草案，旨在解決外國補貼對內部市場造成扭曲之問題，以確保歐盟市場公平競爭之環境。該項草案創建全新之工具，俾利執委會審查非歐盟國家對於位在歐盟境內從事商業活動之企業所提供之補貼。尤其是執委會得主動進行調查，並要求將相關事業之併購案通知執委會。在實務上將面臨之問題乃是新制如何適當融入歐盟現行法律制度與監管環境。新工具之實施得暫停甚至否決大型併購案，並進一步賦予執委會極大之裁量權，以解決在任何市場情況下外國補貼造成內部市場扭曲之問題。不過也由於執委會擁..

On 5 May 2021, the European Commission published its proposed Regulation to address potential distortive effects of foreign subsidies in the Internal Market, with the aim of ensuring a level playing field for all market players within the EU. The proposal creates a new instrument to allow the Commission scrutinize subsidies granted by non-EU countries to undertakings active in the EU. Specifically, the Commission will be able to conduct investigations on its own initiative and relevant mergers will have to be notified to the Commission. One..

歐盟在與第三國/區域簽訂貿易或投資協定時，因為其市場吸引力，而得以將帶有歐盟價值的規範性議程納入協定中，以實踐自身外交政策的目標。此「規範性權力(normative power)」論述在學界已有廣泛的討論。實務上，歐盟的規範性權力亦不斷透過各種不同的管道，在不同的地區和領域內發揮影響力。歐盟自2013年10月開始，與中國大陸進行全面投資協定(Comprehensive Agreement on Investment，簡稱CAI)談判，目前已完成了第35輪的談..

The European Union (EU) has well utilized its market attraction to bring European value based normative agenda into trade or investment agreement negotiations with third country/region, in order to achieve its own foreign policy objectives. This “normative power” theory has had wide discussion among academics. In practice, EU’s normative power has also continuously expanded its influence in different areas via various channels. Since October 2013, EU and China have begun the negotiations on the Comprehensive..