本文回顧近年來政治經濟發展的研究。文中處理兩個主要的議題，第一個是國家在經濟發展中的角色，包括產業政策以及經濟自由化政策。產業政策部分討論贏家挑選政策、產業政策實踐上的差異、技術官僚與統治者之間的關係、影響發展途徑選擇的結構性因素，以及近年來發展型國家的轉型。其次，發展國家論的著重在工業政策，對經濟自由化政策常以經濟發展的另一種選項視之。本文討論國家如何交互使用這兩項政策，另外也分析影響經濟改革推動的制度與結構性因素。挑選贏家的過程中需將資源分配到最有潛力的部門，經濟自由化改革也需移除壟..

We review two important topics in the field of political and economic development. We discuss how states employ industrial policies and economic liberalization to promote economic development. Within the industrial policy framework, we delve into the issues of choosing winners, difference in industrial policy implementations, the relationship between technocracy and the rulers, structural factors that affect industrial policy choices, and the transformations of developmental states in recent years. Secondly, the debates surrounding developm..

現代日本保守主義歷來深受學術界的關注，尤其1990年代以後，日本政治社會往往被視為開始右傾化，因而出現許多從批判性角度分析日本保守主義的著作。然而，過去較少有從政治思想的角度切入之研究，故本文試圖彌補此空缺。保守主義是法國大革命以來構成現代政治思想的重要潮流，故為了理解現代日本的保守主義，政治思想的視角是不可或缺的。鑒於此，本文提出自由保守與國粹保守的分析框架，並從此角度對現代日本保守主義進行分析。自由保守是依據西方保守主義的思維，重視從「保守的」角度進行思..

The literature and academia have paid widespread attention to modern Japanese conservatism. Japan’s political society tends to be considered as leaning towards the right especially after the 1990s, resulting in many studies focusing on modern Japanese conservatism and criticizing its phenomenon. Past studies, however, did not often analyze the issue from the viewpoint of political thought, and therefore, this essay aims to fill such a gap. Conservatism has taken on an important role around the world, constitu..

政黨政治向來為研究憲政運作、民主深化的核心議題。過往的研究，多將政黨政治視為影響憲政與民主的自變項，但憲政特性以及民主轉型的過程，也可能系統性的影響政黨體系，對於政黨體系變遷的規模、機率，存在一定的關連性。基於此，本文以政黨體系變遷為依變數，從制度特性以及民主化背景來觀察政黨體系變遷的特性。核心假設有三：首先，就制度特性而言，直選總統的國家，比起議會內閣制的國家，政黨體系變遷的機率較高、規模較大；第二，以選舉時程而言，也是制度面向的因素，在直選總統的國家中，同時選舉或蜜月選舉，因為總統衣..

Party politics is an important issue to explain the constitutional work and consolidation of a democracy, and especially for newly democracies. If the party system would be affected by different types of constitutional systems and historical legacy, the party system should also be changed. We have three hypotheses: first, we suppose those countries with a directly elected president will have a higher probability for party system change. And the smaller parties are more likely out of parliament. Second, based on the coattail effect, countrie..

拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型，在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷，本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎，運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡，則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言，本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..

The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..

自從1989年共黨統治垮台之後，波蘭曾被視為前東歐共黨集團國家中最為成功的民主轉型和歐洲整合範例;然而，2015年「歐洲難民危機」 爆發之後，在「法律與公正黨」(PiS)領銜之下，伴隨著基進的反難民(移民)言論，卻為波蘭點燃前所未見的右翼狂潮，不僅已經成為二戰法西斯主義之後最顯眼的政治現象，也為現代西方自由民主政體制度帶來嚴峻的挑戰。從一個較為廣泛的波蘭脈絡出發，本文將從政治、文化和歷史三個面向，剖析難民危機安全化、基進反難民(移民)論述和今日政治右翼霸權(..

Since the fall of Communism in 1989, Poland has once been viewed as the most successful example of the democratic transition and European integration among former Eastern bloc nations. In the wake of 2015’s refugee crisis, however, a full-outbreak of Poland’s political right-wing movement with their radical anti-refugee/immigrant rhetoric, led by ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS), has already become the most striking political phenomenon in Europe since WWII’s fascism and posed a comprehensive challenge to..