作為對資料導向研究的反思與補充，強調意義開發的厚資料研究途徑於2013年被提出，國內外的相關研究至今仍在探索階段。本文以中國研究中的政治經濟議題作為例子，展示如何以厚資料研究途徑突破與研究對象相關之數據失真的問題。本文主張有意義的數據資料使用是立基於相關行動者的辨認之上，研究者必須能夠釐清兩個問題:形成數據資料趨勢的相關行動者是誰，以及相關行動者的利益與行為動機結構為何。後者將促使研究者將行動者行為之所以產生的脈絡帶入分析中，以此瞭解人類從事該行為的意義。 ..

As a reflection and supplement to data-driven research, thick data was firstly proposed as a complementary method of using data to engage in mean- ing mining in 2013. Through the case of Chinese political economy, this ar- ticle demonstrates how the use of thick data enables researchers to overcome the problem of data distortion. It argues that meaningful use of data sources is based on the identification of actors. In order to do so, researchers are required to answer the following two questions: Who are the actors contribut..

本文檢視 9 個在 2000 年至 2013 年與中華民國(以下簡稱臺灣)斷交的國家，以探討友邦與我斷交背後的中華人民共和國(以下稱中國)因素。本研究發現，對臺灣友邦來說，獲取來自中國在貿易、投資與金援的經濟考量，以及透過中國的支持提升其國際地位與穩固國內政權的政治考量，是影響友邦是否願意與臺灣延續外交關係的重要因素。大部分友邦在與臺灣斷交後，均能獲取大量來自中國的經濟與政治利益，即便是擁有長期穩固邦誼的友邦亦然。從友邦的角度來看，透過遊走於兩岸的外交競爭之..

This paper investigates the underlying China factor that played out when nine countries ended diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (hereafter called ‘Taiwan’). Research shows acquiring economic benefits from China, in terms of trade, investment and foreign aid, securing China’s support for enhancing international status and consolidating domestic political power are important factors when an ally of Taiwan considers breaking ties. Most allies receive immediate and significant political and economi..

相對於泰國與馬來西亞，印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家，也有內需市場支撐，但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律，也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌，而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑，就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素，本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈，..

With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.” This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, a..

俄羅斯擁有世界最多的天然氣、第二大煤礦及第八大原油蘊藏量，這些豐富的天然資源使俄羅斯具備實施能源外交的優越地緣政治經濟條件。從二十一世紀開始，俄羅斯已經逐漸改變前蘇聯政府時期依靠軍事與政治力量來確保其國際地位的策略，轉而利用天然資源，特別是豐富的天然氣，作為經濟發展與對外關係的重要手段。而普欽政府將天然氣的營運與巨大獲益全都收歸國家管理及控制，是其得以將此一能源權力發展為對歐洲外交戰略與恢復過去大國地位的基礎。本文擬以蘇珊‧史翠菊(Susan Strange..

Russia holds the world's largest natural gas reserves, the second-largest coal reserves, and the eighth-largest crude oil reserves. These plentiful natural resources allow Russia to obtain excellent geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions to carry out its foreign energy strategies. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has transformed from former USSR’s foreign policy which depended on military and political powers for ensuring its international position into the current policy of utilizing natural resourc..

國際政治經濟學(簡稱國政經)自 70 年代開始發展以來，不僅呈現出理論(自由主義、重商主義與馬克思主義)與研究途徑(理性主義與反思主 義)的競逐，同時也有美國(American School)與不列顛學派(British School)間關於學科定位、研究議題與方法論上的差別。本文主要目的在於從三個面向來介紹及探討國政經的不列顛學派:一、為何該學派被稱為 British School?與國際關係英國學派(English School)有何差別?二、不列顛學派..

Since the 1970s, the International Political Economy(IPE)has explored various research methodologies and methods. However, the disciplinary boundary of IPE is still controversial. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the British School of IPE from three dimensions. First, why is this school called “British?” Are there differences between the British School and the English School of international relations? Secondly, British School scholars prefer to call this new discipline the” Global Political Ec..